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Why The Meta-Narrative of Bourgeois-Capitalism Must Be Completely And Utterly Destroyed

The meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism is both hindering socio-economic development and stifling socio-economic development in the sense that it continually perpetuates mediocrity, ad nauseam, in and across the stratums and upper-echelons of bourgeois-capitalism. Hence, why the meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism needs to be destroyed and is destroying, itself, of its own accord. The aim is to accelerate this destructive process via the full-onslaught of pragmatic-deconstruction.
Why The Meta-Narrative of Bourgeois-Capitalism Must Be Completely And Utterly Destroyed:
(The Case For Pragmatic-Deconstruction)

By: Michel Luc Bellemare

I

The meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism is both hindering socio-economic development and stifling socio-economic development in the sense that it continually perpetuates mediocrity, ad nauseam, in and across the stratums and upper-echelons of bourgeois-capitalism. Hence, why the meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism needs to be destroyed and is destroying, itself, of its own accord. The aim is to accelerate this destructive process via the full-onslaught of pragmatic-deconstruction.
The fact is, any honest intellectual, looking at our society, today, can factually see that the best and brightest do not always, or if ever, occupy the upper-echelons of any contemporary dominance-hierarchy, academia, politics, business, sex, etc., in and across the stratums of bourgeois-capitalism. In actuality, today, the reverse is the case in the sense that we see constantly that the best and brightest, are being left behind, or are forced to remain, on the lower rungs of bourgeois-society, scrounging for their existence, while, the system favors and promotes an obedient herd-mediocrity at every level. That is, those individuals who best subserviently, ideologically, and obediently, buttress and propagate, the bourgeois status-quo, namely, those towing, with certain docile obedience, the dominant ideological tenets of bourgeois-capitalism, bourgeois-academia, bourgeois-elites, and the overall, bourgeois way of life. As a result, the meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism needs to be utterly destroyed because its goal is not progress and/or socio-economic development, its goal is socio-economic inertia, creative stagnation and social immobility, which is the essence of its continued governance over the global-population. Change is the anti-thesis to the continued supremacy of the meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism.
According to Nietzsche, in and across western civilizations and western cultures, it is always the most mediocre of our species, which are the most apt to succeed in reaching the top of any bourgeois-capitalist dominance-hierarchy, because, these herd-animals embody and represent the most enduring, conservative, and brutish, characteristics of our species, i.e., the inhuman and the average. There propensity for the inhuman and base averageness gives these mediocre individuals an advantage over more evolved and civilized individuals, who have broader considerations and respect for differences and others. Ultimately, there limited vocabularies and truncated intellects gives these herd-animals an advantage over more evolved individuals, by unburdening their conscience of ethical considerations, moral dilemmas, and any sort of thoughtfulness. Essentially, their advantage lies in the fact that they have reduced the world to black and white, right and wrong etc., thus, giving themselves an advantage over thoughtful beings, considerate beings. To quote, Nietzsche, the advantage of herd-mediocrity is that "the mediocre are, like the herd, little troubled with [ethical] questions and conscienceó[they are] cheerful"[1] and decisive in their behavior. By being linguistically limited, these mediocre individuals are simultaneously intellectually limited, thus, lacking any lasting empathy for anything different and/or anything other. As Nietzsche states, "in so far as the mass is dominant it bullies the exceptions... [it has a] resistance to higher types"[2]. The result is, for Nietzsche, under the meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism, humanity is ruled by "the herd, i.e., that... sum of zeros... [wherefore] it is virtuous to be a zero"[3] in the sense that only zeros are permitted to climb the dominance-hierarchies of bourgeois-capitalism.
In a nutshell, it is zeros who are most apt to climb the dominance-hierarchies set-up by the meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism, due to the fact that stasis, immobility, and inertia, is the goal of the meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism. It is the goal in the sense that stasis, immobility, and inertia, guarantees the authoritative contextual-supremacy of any ruling meta-narrative, specifically, the meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism. And, because average herd-mediocrity is the most static, immobile, and inert segment of the general-population, it is favored over anything that embodies, or might embody, exceptionalism, hence, the reason why the meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism promotes herd-mediocrity at every turn into the upper-echelons of its bureaucracy and, simultaneously, attacks, stifles and asphyxiates anything different, anything higher, which might upset lame bourgeois tastes and the overall bourgeois status-quo. Social development, social mobility, social equality and/or any form of creativity, are all detrimental to the long-term staying-power of the meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism, thus, why the agents of the meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism hinder and stifle, both consciously and/or unconsciously, anything that runs-counter to the meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism. The point is the maintenance of the supremacy of bourgeois-capitalism. Consequently, it is for this reason that the meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism must eventually succumb to the full anarchist onslaught of pragmatic-deconstruction as the meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism prevents development, i.e., anything which embodies and reflects post-modernity.
According to Nietzsche, it is the job of the herdsmen of bourgeois-capitalism "to retain... the herd, flatter it, work with [it, in order to] consolidate its mediocrity"[4] and direct it against any exceptional narratives and/or uber-mensch. For Nietzsche, "it is the object of herd education [via its herdsmen] to create in the herd member... a definite faith concerning the nature of man" [5], wherefore, inertia, base averageness, and the defence of the bourgeois status-quo are deemed the epitome of intelligence and good Christian citizenship. Indeed, solidifying the bourgeois status-quo by championing herd-mediocrity as the highest and most valuable attribute, so as to climb any bourgeois dominance hierarchy, is the raison d'Ítre of bourgeois-education. The point of bourgeois-education consists in marshaling the vindictiveness embodied in herd-mediocrity against anything which is different, plural, and exceptional. Namely, all that is not generic, average, and a part of the bourgeois status-quo, must be eliminated from the capitalist-system. That is, anything which remotely reflects post-modernity, thus, is the goal of bourgeois-education, indoctrination and moderation, i.e., the dictatorship of the center and the middle, wherefore, obedience is intelligence and intelligence is obedience.
Behind the institutions of bourgeois-capitalism, according to Nietzsche, lies "three powers (1) the instinct of the herd against the strong and independent; (2) the instinct of the suffering and underprivileged against the fortunate; (3) the instinct of the mediocre against the exceptional"[6]. Subsequently, it is the herd and its mediocrity which reigns supreme beneath the meta-narrative umbrella of bourgeois-capitalism, nothing post-modern and/or exceptional is given precedence over herd-mediocrity. And due to this fact, social advancement, i.e., the full brunt of post-modernism, has not been attained, meaning, post-modernism has yet to achieve its zenith, its apex and/or its full-maturity, i.e., pragmatic egalitarianism, namely, the egalitarian allotment of socio-economic resources, in relative equal measure, giving unto Caesar what rightfully belongs unto Caesar. To the contrary, beneath the ruling meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism, the exceptional is continually reduced to insignificance, inconsequentiality, and irrelevance. It is reduced to the lower-rungs of bourgeois-capitalism dominance-hierarchies in favor of docile, obedient, herd-mediocrity, which in vast numbers occupies the upper-echelons of bourgeois-capitalism. The reason for this, Nietzsche states, is that "the herd feels the exception, whether it be below or above it, as something opposed and harmful to it"[7], while, for the meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism, herd-mediocrity is allotted continual precedence over the exceptional because herd-mediocrity insures its continued authority, longevity and supremacy. Of course, the end result of all this is socio-economic inertia, creative stagnation and nihilism, that is, an "inner decay and disintegration... [wherefore] nothing stands firmly on its feet [anymore]"[8], but is at the mercy of the overwhelming majority of herd-mediocrity, an overwhelming mediocrity, which continually dictates any socio-historical unfolding via the "community spirit [and] the fatherland"[9]. Ultimately, crisis ensues. And crisis opens the door to radical social change, change which weakens the ruling meta-narrative and stimulates socio-economic transformation.

II

According to Thomas Kuhn, revolutions and insurrections are prickly affairs, which tend to begin with the failure of existing rules, meaning, the "failure of existing rules is the prelude to a search for new ones"[10]. For Kuhn, an initial crisis in the existing rules presents a possible break, which may lead to a revolution and insurrection in favor of new rules, institutions and, ultimately, a paradigm-shift. In effect, crisis opens the door to radical social change, if that door is not closed and is left open for an extended period of time. As Kuhn States,

revolutions are inaugurated by a growing sense, often restricted to a segment of the... community, that existing institutions have
ceased to adequately to meet the problems posed by an environment that they have in part created. The sense of malfunction that
can lead to crisis is [a] prerequisite to revolution. Revolutions aim to change... institutions in ways that those institutions
themselves prohibit.[11]

During the initial stages, according to Kuhn "increasing numbers of individuals become increasingly estranged from political life and behave more and more eccentrically within it"[12], eventually, this estrangement prompts these individuals to "commit themselves to some concrete proposal for the reconstruction of society in a new institutional framework"[13]. Sooner or later, if the crisis is not resolves through the current institutional framework, "society... [divides] into competing camps or parties, one seeking to defend the old institutional constellation, the others seeking to institute new ones"[14]. When this binary bifurcation has occurred, revolution and insurrection is assured, due to the fact that "political recourse fails"[15]. According to Kuhn, it fails because the two camps

differ about the institutional matrix within which... change is to be achieved and evaluated. [In effect,] they acknowledge no
supra-institutional framework for the adjudication of revolutionary difference, the parties to [such] a revolutionary conflict
must finally resort to the techniques of mass persuasion, often including force. [Because] the choice [in the final analysis is]
between competing institutions, ... a choice between incompatible modes of community life. [16]

These incompatible modes of community life aggravate the revolution and insurrection, stimulating the advent of a new paradigm and the dissolution of the old paradigm, i.e., meta-narrative, or vice versa, the result is the dissolution of the new paradigm and the maintenance of the old paradigm, i.e., meta-narrative. In the end, conflict and propaganda decides the outcome.
Notwithstanding, ultimately, it is the senility of a meta-narrative, i.e., paradigm, which leads to revolution and insurrection, that is, radical social change, either for, or against, a burgeoning meta-narrative. And, specifically, the meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism is fast approaching this precipice. That is, "a relatively sudden and unstructured event like a gestalt switch"[17], which changes everything, where, as Kuhn states, with the "paradigm [,i.e., meta-narrative] change, the world itself [also] changes"[18], whereupon, nothing is left unchanged. Consequently, it is the slow rising inertia of the meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism, brought about by its fanatic celebration and propagation of herd-mediocrity, which is, propelling the meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism towards sudden revolution, insurrection and its own obsolescence. Due to the fact, the meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism refuses to yield to the coming apex of post-modernism, which demands the dissolution of all meta-narratives in favor of narrative egalitarianism. As a result, in contrast, the meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism is instead increasingly embracing stagnation, inertia and immobility, manufacture by its herd-mediocrity, in increasingly higher and higher dosage, in order to freeze all socio-economic developments in their tracks, thus, preventing the full-maturation of post-modernism.
Specifically, the meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism refuses to yield to the zenith of post-modernity, i.e., an anarchist institutional framework of pragmatic-egalitarianism, amongst all micro-narratives, devoid of any overarching meta-narrative. As a result, bourgeois-capitalism sees post-modernism as its anti-thesis, an anti-thesis geared towards its ultimate demise, due to the fact, post-modernism embodies a radical antipathy towards meta-narratives, including the meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism. Because of this post-modern antipathy towards bourgeois-capitalism, as Kuhn states, any "transition [to a new paradigm]... cannot be made a step at a time, forced by logic and neutral experience. Like the gestalt switch, it must occur all at once (though not necessarily in an instant) or not at all."[19], as the meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism will not go quietly into obsolescence.
In sum, it will have to be pragmatically deconstructed, brick by brick, thrown forcefully into the dust-bin of history. And as usual, the primary obstacle to social change is herd-mediocrity. The herd-mediocrity manufactured by the meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism, which has been elevated beyond its capabilities and wildest dreams into the upper-echelons of bourgeois-capitalism, preventing any smooth transition and/or development out of bourgeois-capitalism. Herd-mediocrity is what poses the most troublesome element for any paradigm-shift, since, embodied in the herd, gently placed there by the indoctrinating mechanisms of bourgeois-capitalism, lies" the tradition of [bourgeois] values"[20], holding the Enlightenment meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism firmly in place. Due to this, any transition out of the meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism must be a sudden revolution and/or insurrection, i.e., an instantaneous gestalt switch, or nothing at all.
Along a similar line of thought as Kuhn, for Marx, this gestalt switch is the result of an incongruity and/or conflict between the forces of production and the relations of production embodied in a governing mode of production, whereupon, "the changes in the economic foundation lead sooner or later to the transformation of the whole immense superstructure"[21], including, the ruling paradigm and/or meta-narrative. According to Marx, a mode of production is a particular form of organization and equilibrium between certain forces of production and relations of production between human beings, reflecting a certain form of consciousness, which ultimately determines the way resources are produced, distributed and consumed within a specific society. As Marx states,

in the social production of their existence, men inevitably enter into definite relations, which are independent of their will,
namely relations production appropriate to a given stage in the development of their material forces of production. The totality
of these relations of production constitutes the economic structure of society, the real foundation, on which arises a legal and
political superstructure and to which correspond definite forms of social consciousness. The mode of production of material life
conditions the general process of social, political and intellectual life. At a certain stage of development, the material
productive forces... come into conflict with the existing relations of production [wherefore]... the productive forces [and] these
relations turn into ... fetters. Then begins an era of social revolution... in which men become conscious of this conflict and fight it
out. No social order is ever destroyed before all the productive forces for which it is sufficient have been developed, and new
superior relations of production never replace older ones before the material conditions for their existence have matured within
the framework of the old society.[22]

In effect, for Marx, a ruling mode of production structures the way a society functions, operates and is organized and when a disconnect presents itself between the forces of production and the relations of production a conflict ensues, which in the end, results in the installation of a new mode of production and, in general, a new socio-economic formation.
However, what if a ruling mode of production and its adjacent form of consciousness also structures revolutionary paradigm-shifts, out of the very mode of production and ruling meta-narratives, which seek to prevent these shifts. Meaning, the gestalt switch needed to transition into a new paradigm, or meta-narrative, is the product of friction and conflict between the forces of production and the relations of production deep inside the ruling mode of production. The conversion experience Kuhn states is akin to a gestalt switch is the result of a disequilibrium between the material forces of production and the ideological relations of production, both conceptual and material, transpiring deep within the economic base of society. In effect, the presence of a disconnect between the forces of production and relations of production manifests a conversion experience, i.e., a gestalt switch, when these forces of production and these relations of production fall into conflict and constant escalating friction. The individual becomes aware that something is wrong and something must change, and begins to look for a new narrative, or paradigm, better his or her situation. It is for this reason that Kuhn states

the conversion experience... [is] a gestalt switch... at the heart of the revolutionary process... [which] provides motives for conversion
and a climate in which it is more likely to occur. [Friction and conflict provide] points of entry for the neural reprogramming
that... must underlie [the] conversion.[23]

For Marx, the nexus of any revolutionary process lies in production, the ruling mode of production stationed at the economic base of society. Hence, where paradigm-shifts and the dissolution of meta-narratives are likely to occur. Subsequently, an escalation of friction and conflict within the economic base and across the super-structure of society also indicates the arrival of new superior relations, that is, the advent of a new mode of production and set of narratives, which will reconfigure society according to some new shape or form.
Moreover, pragmatic-deconstruction is a natural development brought about by the escalating friction and conflict between the forces of production and relations of production, since, pragmatic-deconstruction is motivated by an increasing estrangement and disconnect between individuals and the economic base, i.e., forces of production. As a result, pragmatic-deconstruction increasingly detaches individuals from the ideological opiate of bourgeois-capitalism in and across social production, essentially, waking-up people to the disconnect between bourgeois-ideology and reality, i.e., the chasm between socio-economic existence and the ideals showered unto them by the meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism.
In fact, pragmatic-deconstruction increasingly leads the general-population towards a paradigm-shift and gestalt switch, because the conflict between the forces of production and relations of production is incessant. In effect, the general-population by itself begins to yearn and to demand, of their own accord, a new socio-economic-formation, i.e., a new mode of production, devoid of the meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism. It is the very friction and conflict, manifested by the disconnect between the forces of production and the dominant relations of production, which produces disillusionment and motive in the general-population for the exercising of the full-brunt of pragmatic-deconstruction upon the meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism. The point is to manifest a paradigm-shift and a gestalt switch in order to alleviate the ever-increasing disillusionment and disconnect between the forces of production and relations of production. In essence, the point is to reduce all meta-narratives, back from which they came, the plethora of micro-narratives, thus, ushering in an era of radical post-modernism, that is, pragmatic-egalitarianism.
Of course, with any homogenizing, obdurate, fanatical ideology like the meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism, one does not win converts by resorting to good argument and sound logic, the meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism requires more than good argument and sound logic, if it is to step aside. In such extreme ideological situations, as Max Planck put it, "truth does not triumph by convincing its opponents and making them see the light, but rather [triumphs] because its opponents eventually die"[24], hence, the case for pragmatic-deconstruction and the complete annihilation of the meta-narrative of bourgeois-capitalism.


Endnotes:

[1] Friedrich Nietzsche, The Will To Power, Ed. Walter Kaufmann, (New York, New York:
Vintage Books, 1967) p. 157.
[2] Ibid, p. 19.
[3] Ibid, p. 33.
[4] Ibid, pp. 461-462.
[5] Ibid, p. 159.
[6] Ibid, p. 156.
[7] Ibid, p. 159.
[8] Ibid, p. 40.
[9] Ibid, p. 41.
[10] Thomas Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1970) p. 68.
[11] Ibid, pp. 92-93.
[12] Ibid, p. 93.
[13] Ibid, p. 93.
[14] Ibid, p. 93.
[15] Ibid, p. 93.
[16] Ibid, pp. 93-94.
[17] Ibid, p. 122.
[18] Ibid, p. 111.
[19] Ibid, p. 150.
[20] Friedrich Nietzsche, The Will To Power, Ed. Walter Kaufmann, (New York, New York:
Vintage Books, 1967) p. 473.
[21] Karl Marx, A Contribution To A Critique of Political Economy, ed. Maurice Dobb,
(Moscow, Russia: Progress Publishers, 1970) p. 21.
[22] Ibid, pp.20-21.
[23] Thomas Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1970) p. 204.
[24] Ibid, p. 151.












Bibliography:

Kuhn, Thomas. The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1970.

Marx, Karl. A Contribution To A Critique of Political Economy. ed. Maurice Dobb. Moscow,
Russia: Progress Publishers, 1970.

Nietzsche, Friedrich. The Will To Power. ed. Walter Kaufmann. New York, New York:
Vintage Books, 1967.

DUPLICATE POSTING: Already On PDX IMC Newswire 03.Jun.2018 04:4 02.Aug.2018 07:44

author: Michel Luc Bellemare

Post-Modernism Has Not Smashed to Pieces the Meta-Narrative of Bourgeois-Capitalism