Venezuela: Statement of Lucha de Clases on the devaluation of the Bolivar
English and in Spanish below:
The website of the Venezuelan *Lucha de Clases*, the Venezuela Marxist
paper within the PSUV. In Spanish.
and posted also on:
link to www.kaosenlared.net
Venezuela: Statement of Lucha de Clases on the devaluation of the Bolivar
Written by Lucha de Clases - Venezuela Tuesday, 12 February 2013
On Friday, February 8, the Minister of Planning and Finances Jorge Giordani
and the President of the Venezuelan Central Bank Nelson Merentes, spoke at
a press conference to announce the devaluation of the Bolivar from 4.3 to
the US dollar to 6.3.
*Regarding this decision the Lucha de Clases (Class Struggle) Marxist
current of the PSUV declares:*
1)Our strongest repudiation of the hypocritical reaction of the oligarchy and
its political representatives that have criticised the measure presenting
it as a "red austerity package". The inheritors of the Punto Fijo regime
have no authority to speak about "austerity packages". In power they
introduced several capitalist neo-liberal adjustment packages against the
working people, including the infamous Carlos Andres Perez package that led
to the peoples' uprising of February 27, 1989. Had they won the October 7
presidential elections they would have implemented a package of measures
against the working class and the poor people, including the destruction of
the *misiones *social programs, widespread cuts against education and
health care, attacks on pensions and wages, etc. To them we say: "you will
not be back!"
2) At the same time we should critically analyse the economic decisions of
the Bolivarian government on the basis of the following fundamental
criteria: which social class do they benefit? Do they contribute to advance
towards socialism, the stated aim of the Bolivarian revolution, or not?
3) The devaluation of the Bolivar is a measure that has been imposed by the
very logic of the capitalist system and the domination of the owners of the
means of production and financial capitalists over the economy. It cannot
therefore be considered a socialist measure.
4) The introduction of currency exchange controls on the part of the
national government in 2003 was an attempt to curb the massive flight of
capital, the investment strike and the generalised sabotage of production
on the part of the national and multinational bourgeoisie, particularly
during the bosses lock out and criminal sabotage of the oil industry in
December 2002 - January 2003.
5) However, much like other similar measures that have been taken
(regulation of prices of basic food stuffs, rent controls), the attempts to
regulate the worst aspects of the capitalist system do not solve the main
problem: the ruling class always manages to evade controls through legal,
semi-legal and openly illegal means. In reality, all they achieve is the
dislocation of the "normal" mechanisms of the capitalist system, without
replacing them with a rational and democratic economic plan in the interest
of the majority.
6) Faced with currency exchange controls, the bourgeoisie responds with a
black market and speculation - a parallel dollar exchange. Faced with price
controls, the bourgeoisie responds with hoarding, profiteering and
withdrawing basic products from the market place. If the price of white
rice is regulated, the bourgeoisie produces flavoured rice. If the state
institution CADIVI gives dollars to capitalists at the official exchange
rate so that they can import materials for production, the capitalists will
divert divert these dollars to the black market, making substantial profits
while at the same time they sell the finished products at prices based on
the black market exchange rate.
7) The idea that the devaluation will benefit the State, because it will
receive more *Bolivars* for each dollar it receives in payment for oil
exports, is extremely short-sighted. Faced with the sabotage of production
and the investment strike of the ruling class, the state has become a
large-scale importer of all sorts of basic and food products, which it then
sells at subsidised prices through the state-owned Mercal and PDVAL
distribution chains. What the state earns by getting more bolivars from the
sale of oil, it will lose by paying in dollars for the importation of basic
products to satisfy the home market.
8) In reality the national and multinational bourgeoisie has been waging a
noisy campaign demanding devaluation since president Chávez announced he
had to undergo surgery in Cuba in December. In the same way they continue
to wage a campaign demanding the liberalisation or increase in the prices
of the basic food products which are currently regulated.
9) At the end of the day, devaluation inevitably leads to higher prices for
the final consumers in a country which is heavily dependent on the import
of consumer goods and raw materials and parts for manufacturing, assembly
and even for agriculture - that is, inflation for working class families.
10) The capitalist system "works" on the basis of guaranteeing maximum
profit for the private owners of capital and the means of production.
Well-intentioned appeals to businessmen to invest in production or to sell
at a "fair price", will not work. As long as capitalism exists, capitalists
will only invest if they are certain they can obtain a reasonable profit
margin, and if they can make more profit by speculating, they will.
11) The only way to break with this perverse logic is precisely to break
with the laws that govern the capitalist economy. The Owners of the Valley
< link to www.marxist.com,
the 100 families and monopoly groups, national and foreign, which still
control the basic levers of the Venezuelan economy (banks, companies and
distribution chains) and use this control to sabotage the democratic will
of the majority, must be expropriated. In the words of the revolutionary
leader of the Federal War, Ezequiel Zamora: "what should be sequestrated
are the assets of the rich, as they use them to wage war against the
people, they should be left only with their shirts". We are talking about
the expropriation of the big capitalists, the 1% of the population, neither
of individual property nor small businesses of the 99% of the population
which do not represent a fundamental factor of the economy and which are
suffocated by the big banks and monopolies.
12) Only in this way would it be possible to plan, in a democratic manner
and under workers' control, the enormous productive potential, the human,
technical and material resources, which the Venezuelan economy possesses,
in the benefit of the overwhelming majority of the population. Thereby
guaranteeing the social conquests of the revolution, spreading, enlarging
and consolidating them.
13) Reformists and bureaucrats will tell us that this is not possible. Some
will argue that such measures would provoke the resistance of the
bourgeoisie and imperialist aggression. Are they not already attacking us?
Are the capitalist media not already lying and manipulating? Has
imperialism not attacked the revolution since the very beginning? There are
only two possible ways to prevent the bourgeoisie and imperialism from
attacking us: one, by reaching deals and compromises with the class enemy
and thereby putting an end to the revolution. Two, by taking sharp and firm
socialist measures to complete the revolution and arming the people through
workers' and peasant militias. This would also generate a wave of sympathy
and support amongst the workers and the peoples' of the world which are
currently themselves suffering the consequences of the capitalist crisis.
14) Others will argue that it is too soon, that the level of consciousness
of the workers and the people does not allow for it. To them we ask: who
saved the revolution on April 13, 2002, during the coup? Who defended the
president during the opposition *guarimba* riots in 2004 and the recall
referendum? Who took over factories and PDVSA oil company installations
during the bosses lock-out? Who struggled for the renationalisation of
SIDOR? It was the working class and the revolutionary people that on every
single occasion have defended the Bolivarian revolution at all crucial
junctures, often against and despite the bureaucracy and the reformists.
- *Against hoarding and speculation - expropriation of the means of
production and jail sentences for those responsible*
- *No agreements, no conciliation - forward to socialism*
- *Nationalisation of the means of production under democratic workers'
- *Against the anarchy of capitalism - for a democratic plan of
production in the interest of the majority*
Source: *Lucha de
Clases*< link to www.marxist.com)
< link to www.marxist.com
Amos del Valle, a reference to the 20 families which ruled the Valley
of Caracas since the XVII century, as described in the novel with the same
title by Francisco Herrera Luque
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