Port of Olympia Militarization Resistence Returns!
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Port of Olympia Residents return to stop the shipment of Military equipment to iraq.
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Next time, we'll be ready for them: Port Militarization Resistance returns to defend the Port of Olympia
Wednesday, February 14 2007 @ 02:08 PM PST
Contributed by: Anonymous
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"Port Militarization Resistance is organized to end our community's complicity in the illegal occupation of Iraq by stopping the U.S. Military's use of the Port of Olympia." PMR statement of purpose - 1/21/2007
In May 2006, hundreds of US Army combat vehicles called Strykers rolled through the streets of our town and into our port for shipment to the war in Iraq. It wasn't the first time convoys of military equipment had been shipped to the war through the Port of Olympia, but never before did the cargo present such an immediate and visually graphic connection with that war.
by Sandy Mayes
"Port Militarization Resistance is organized to end our community's complicity in the illegal occupation of Iraq by stopping the U.S. Military's use of the Port of Olympia." PMR statement of purpose - 1/21/2007
In May 2006, hundreds of US Army combat vehicles called Strykers rolled through the streets of our town and into our port for shipment to the war in Iraq. It wasn't the first time convoys of military equipment had been shipped to the war through the Port of Olympia, but never before did the cargo present such an immediate and visually graphic connection with that war.
Over the objections of many in the community, the military had resumed its use of the Port in 2004 after a 17-year hiatus. And although, by May 2006, community members had spent two years actively opposing military shipments through a variety of avenues, there was never a plan for how to respond or intervene as the shipments actually occurred.
So it wasn't until May 24, 2006, on Day Four of this military shipment, with nearly all its cargo already parked safely inside the Port fence, that a coordinated act of civil disobedience brought the convoy to a temporary halt. As a caravan of Strykers rounded the first curve at the southern end of Marine Drive, escorted by the Olympia Police Department, a dozen people stepped into the road and dozens more stood along the roadside providing a supportive presence and witness.
After a long process during which nine were arrested, another line of people stepped in behind the first. At this point the OPD and Army officers talked things over. Suddenly the convoy began to move, made a sharp U-turn, and detoured through town to Franklin Street. Near the entrance to the Port, several protesters who ran to the area to block the way were aggressively wrestled and dragged from the road and ultimately subdued by Thurston County Sheriff's deputies. The convoy passed through and those people were released without charges.
As it turned out, this was the last of 20 convoys to be loaded onto a U.S. naval ship called the Pomeroy which docked at the Port of Olympia on May 29. There would not be another act of coordinated civil disobedience until the famous event on May 30 when, during a large demonstration outside the Port entrance, a gate was lifted off its hinges and those holding it lowered it to the ground. A jumble of people spontaneously rushed in, allegedly crossing an invisible "boundary," and laid themselves at the feet of a line of agitated sheriff's deputies in full riot gear. These committed individuals became known as the "Olympia 22" and their trial is still pending. Those arrested on May 24 were never charged.
Time to regroup
The military has not returned to our port since May 2006 and much has transpired since then. Over 3000 US soldiers have now died in the war, as well as hundreds of thousands of Iraqis. As polling demonstrates ever-rising numbers in opposition to the war in Iraq, the Bush Administration is escalating that war and has plans to expand to Iran and beyond. The mood in the country is shifting; tension is rising and everywhere people are moving beyond their previous comfort zones in expressing opposition. The mounting impeachment movement is one example.
Locally, in response to speculation that the military might resume shipments through the Port of Olympia sometime over the next couple of months, a group called Port Militarization Resistance (PMR) called a meeting on Jan 21, 2007. PMR was formed as a sub-group of the Olympia Movement for Justice and Peace, in the midst of the May protests, to stop military shipments through the Port of Olympia and became inactive in Fall 2006. The recent meeting was a first step toward regrouping; it brought in many new people and fresh ideas and energy.
The discussion was preliminary. No decisions regarding strategies or specific plans were made, nor were any fresh documents generated - nothing formally decided or prepared to present to the public other than the statement of purpose cited at the top of this article. Nevertheless, it would seem timely and prudent to at least convey some observations about the meeting and the buzz it has generated.
Continuum of actions
One key proposal at the PMR meeting which got a lot of support is a "continuum of actions." It begins with public education to consistently and clearly communicate our goals and objectives. We then work on prevention of further military shipments by petitioning the Port Commissioners and other elected bodies. If those efforts are unsuccessful we use civil disobedience to block the convoys, openly communicating our intentions well in advance of planned actions. And if the convoys get through, all bets are off and other tactics will then be considered.
This continuum was proposed by City Councilmember TJ Johnson who attended the meeting and has
said, "Our strategy should be conveyed in advance to the community via all available media, and directly to the Port Commissioners, County Commissioners (who authorize use of county law enforcement as security at the Port), and the Olympia City Council (since OPD will undoubtedly be asked to escort the military through town). This communication needs to happen by phone, e-mail, and most importantly in person at the televised meetings of these elected bodies."
I strongly endorse this strategy. I was present at the Port throughout most of the protests in May and was one of the people arrested on May 24 for blocking the convoy on Marine Drive. Throughout those 10 days, I felt that everyone involved in the protests demonstrated an amazing level of personal and collective initiative. But from the very outset I could not help but bemoan the lost opportunity - what more might have been achieved had we organized, well in advance, a comprehensive plan like the one described immediately above.
Blocking the convoys
By far the most commonly supported strategy at the PMR meeting was the idea of using our bodies to block the convoys before they reach the Port, organizing large enough numbers to create a sustained obstacle. "Multiple waves of human blockades," possibly comprised of various affinity groups, was mentioned more than once.
I agree that forming ourselves into blockades is our best civil disobedience (CD) option for stopping the convoys. We need to make the most efficient use of our resources, maximizing the outcome achieved for the time and effort expended. Human blockades are simple enough to satisfy that objective.
But there are logistical challenges. Prime among them is the fact that we will get very short notice about shipments, maybe 48 hours at the most. And from day to day, hour to hour, we never know for sure exactly when the convoys will arrive until they are practically upon us. Nor do we know how they will reschedule or re-route their course based on our activities. This will require a considerable degree of patience and flexibility on our part and we will need to have reliable methods of communication to keep everyone apprised of the situation as it unfolds.
Building trust and mutual empowerment
Since we can never know for sure when the convoys will arrive, neither can we plan for exactly who among us will be available when they do. Because of this and because it has been widely agreed that we need to be as inclusive as possible as we attract large numbers, we are going to have to work very consciously to build trust amongst ourselves and in the community around this campaign.
It was suggested that as many of us as possible should get some kind of civil disobedience training. Issues of safety and ideas about various approaches to CD and principles of non-violence will no doubt be the topic of ongoing discussions at future meetings. Finding common ground in these areas will help to facilitate trust.
There is a lot of support for building a large, inclusive movement embracing a broad range of strategies that will attract a broad range of people. This means welcoming people to participate in whatever manner they feel able, and expanding that previously mentioned "supportive presence and witness."
We can build an inclusive movement without watering down our message. We need fresh thinking and creativity as we plan our actions. Inviting more people to share in the planning will enhance the creative process and lead to actions with a broad appeal.
As activist and "Oly 22" defendant Phan Nguyen said, "We're all desperate for change, and we want to feel empowered. But we need to decide if we want to empower ourselves or empower everyone."
Complicity and duty
I believe that the Olympia peace movement is now ripe for mass actions of civil disobedience. Many people who, for years, have protested the war and the use of our port in its execution -- through vigils, marches, letters, op-eds, teach-ins, public testimony and forums -- are fed up. And people who have never engaged in any form of protest are now ready to act.
People are tired of being ignored by politicians and the media and are ready to take their actions to a higher level. For many, military convoys returning to Olympia would provide the perfect opportunity for CD and at a comparatively low personal cost.
When Lt. Ehren Watada courageously refused to deploy to Iraq, facing court martial as a result, his position was that the war on Iraq is illegal under international law and the US Constitution. Watada and his attorneys argued that the Nuremberg Principles and U.S. military regulations require soldiers to follow only "lawful orders." In Watada's view, deployment to Iraq would have made him party to the crimes that permeate military operations there.
Similarly, the weapons shipments through the Port of Olympia, and the use of our public property to prolong and supply the war in Iraq have made Thurston County and its citizens complicit in these crimes. We must refuse to be complicit any longer. Just as soldiers have a responsibility to disobey unlawful orders, civilians also have a duty to refuse to cooperate.
Eyes on Olympia
Can we stop these shipments from moving through our port? We will never know unless we try. If we succeed, the impact could have global and historic consequences.
And we must bear in mind that success will manifest in a variety of ways. In May 2006, our direct resistance to the militarization of our port was widely reported around the world. People everywhere found inspiration in what happened here and will be watching to see what happens in the future. Whether our organizing efforts alone deter the military from further plans to ship through our port, or if they do come and ultimately get past us, our efforts to stop them will be sure to inspire similar actions in other places.
Just as all that has gone before us has in some way led to this moment, the full impact of our efforts can never be fully known or measured. When the US finally pulls out of the Middle East it will be the result of a multitude of factors. Nothing should be discounted.
The ripple effects of ordinary people in a community coming together in a coordinated act of shared liberation and empowerment, facing down the US corporate military state, would be immeasurable. Solutions to the many deep structural problems facing our world today begin with acts like this.
Sandy Mayes lives in Olympia where she raised her son and has worked as a registered nurse since 1984. She is the Content Coordinator of Work In Progress and a founding member of the Port Militarization Resistance.
For a comprehensive archive of Olympia's resistance to the military's use of its port visit www.omjp.org . See also www.olywip.org .
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What they did is they created a 24 hour watch on the port and had a way of notifying various groups that were ready to take action on a moment's notice.
Some of the strategies were to drive cars and leave them without the keys in the middle of the road, blocking the road. In some instances they would even leave people in the cars so that tanks or big tracks could not drive over them.
In other instances they used metal fences that were chained together across the road to block it. By the time the police was able to remove them another chain linked fence was up at another point.
What would really be nice if there were enough people committed to do civil dissobedience and be willing to be arrested. If say 100 people were committed to that, given there is jail support and lawyers ready to defend them, you could effectively shut down the entire justice system for days or a week. If every person asks for a speedy trial and pleeds innocent.
This worked in Seattle during the WTO and it worked in Portland during the Iraq antiwar demonstrations in 2003.
If it is organized correctly and you have enough cameras rolling during the arrests, you should be able to fight a conviction. Usually cops will make up fake charges to get people "good", if you know what I mean. So if there is a video of the arrest basically you have caught them right handed luying and your charges should be thrown out. In addition, they will have to produce all evidence they claim to have. Most of the time they will not turn over video they have because either it shows that what they put on the police report is not true, or it incriminates them even more because of misscondact etc. In addition, if you have 100 people arrested the DA's office just can't process all the requests on time and thus a speedy trial is not possible, in which case the judge throws out the case.