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BOOK INTRO: _Did Bush [& corp. media] Steal 2004 Election? Ohio's Essential Documents_

free intro to 737 page book of documentation, where, given the lack of audiability or verifiability that he won, Bush as well as any upcoming "election" of national scale in many states of the U.S. should be considered entirely media events only and bogus from the point of view of democratic elections. In short, Bush's illegitimacy and lack of total credibilty for holding the office of President of the United States, due to lack of verifiability of votes, can be assured.

"The research and writing in this book has focussed on Ohio, where we have been collectively reporting on electoral politics for more than three decades. [However,] [a]s the documents in the final chapter and appendix to this book show, the bitter controversy over the vote count in Ohio has been mirrored in other
key states around the US." --- "To date, there has been no credible, independent audit of these machines, not in Ohio or in any other state. In Ohio, Secretary of State Blackwell issued an order in the weeks following the election that all 2004 election records, paper and electronic, were to be sealed from public access and inspection. As of this book's publication date, those records remain unobtainable." --- "Major pollsters and their national media clients still refuse to release the raw data." --- "...unfortunate lack of transparency calls all U.S. elections into question."
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The following text is the Introduction to the 767 page: Did George W. Bush
Steal America's 2004 Election? Essential Documents.

-------------------------------------------


Did George W. Bush Steal America's 2004 Election? Ohio's Essential
Documents" by Bob Fitrakis, Harvey Wasserman and Steve Rosenfeld (767
pages) - Special pre-order price: $25

This collection of news analysis, legal documents and sworn statements
from suppressed and disenfranchised voters may very well tilt the balance
in revealing the election fraud in Ohio during the 2004 election. Foreword
by Rev. Jesse Jackson.

For more information about Dr. Fitrakis, view his bio in the Columns
section of this website.

For more information about Mr. Wasserman, view his bio in the Columns
section of this website.

 http://www.freepress.org/store.php#documents


Departments
Election 2004


Introduction: Did George W. Bush steal America's 2004 election?
by Bob Fitrakis, Steve Rosenfeld and Harvey Wasserman
June 16, 2005

The following text is the Introduction to the 767 page: Did George W. Bush
Steal America's 2004 Election? Essential Documents. You can buy the book
here.






This volume of documents is meant to provide you, the reader, with
evidence necessary to make up your own mind.

Few debates have aroused more polarized ire. But too often the argument
has proceeded without documentation. This volume of crucial source
materials, from Ohio and elsewhere, is meant to correct that problem.

Amidst a bitterly contested vote count that resulted in unprecedented
action by the Congress of the United States, here are some news accounts
that followed this election, which was among the most bitterly contested
in all US history:

Despite repeated pre-election calls from officials across the nation and
the world, Ohio's Republican Secretary of State, who also served as Ohio's
co-chair for the Bush-Cheney campaign, refused to allow non-partisan
international and United Nations observers the access they requested to
monitor the Ohio vote. While such access is routinely demanded by the U.S.
government in third world nations, it was banned in the American
heartland.

A post-election headline from the Akron Beacon Journal cites a critical
report by twelve prominent social scientists and statisticians, reporting:
"Analysis Points to Election Corruption': Group Says Chance of Exit Polls
Being So Wrong in '04 Vote is One-in-959,000."

Citing "Ohio's Odd Numbers," investigative reporter Christopher Hitchens,
a Bush supporter, says in Vanity Fair: "Given what happened in that key
state on Election Day 2004, both democracy and common sense cry out for a
court-ordered inspection of its new voting machines."

Paul Krugman of the New York Times writes: "It's election night, and
early returns suggest trouble for the incumbent. Then, mysteriously, the
vote count stops and observers from the challenger's campaign see
employees of a voting-machine company, one wearing a badge that identifies
him as a county official, typing instructions at computers with access to
the vote-tabulating software.

When the count resumes, the incumbent pulls ahead. The challenger demands
an investigation. But there are no ballots to recount, and election
officials allied with the incumbent refuse to release data that could shed
light on whether there was tampering with the electronic records.

This isn't a paranoid fantasy. It's a true account of a recent election in
Riverside County, California..."

Hundreds of Ohio African-American voters give sworn testimony that they
were harassed, intimidated, deprived of voting machines, given faulty
ballots, confronted with malfunctioning machines and hit with a staggering
range of other problems that deprived them of votes that were destined for
John Kerry, votes that might have tipped the Ohio outcome.

A team of high-powered researchers discover results in three southern
Ohio counties where an obscure African-American candidate for the state
Supreme Court somehow outpolls John Kerry, a virtually impossible outcome
indicating massive vote fraud costing Kerry thousands of votes.

Up until 11pm Eastern time on election night, exit polls show John Kerry
comfortably leading George Bush in Florida, Ohio, Pennsylvania and New
Mexico, giving him a clear victory in the Electoral College, and a
projected national margin of some 1.5 million votes. These same exit polls
had just served as the basis for overturning an election in Ukraine [for US CIA coup, though in that case, it was US fascist-useful], and are viewed worldwide as a bedrock of reliability. But after midnight the vote count mysteriously turns, and by morning George W. Bush is declared the victor.

There is far far more, enough, indeed, to result in massive court filings,
unprecedented Congressional action and a library full of documents leading
to bitter controversy over the 2004 election, especially in Ohio.

In this volume, we have attempted to present many of the most crucial of
those documents.

Do they prove that George W. Bush stole the U.S. presidential election of
2004?

Should John Kerry rather than Bush have been certified by the Electoral
College on January 6, 2005?

Historians will be debating that for centuries. What follows are some of
the core documents they will use in that debate:

The most hotly contested evidence comes most importantly from Ohio, whose
20 electoral votes decided the election. But it also comes from other key
swing states--especially Florida and New Mexico--where exit polls and other
evidence raise questions about the officially certified vote tallies in
favor of Bush.

As mentioned, this book presents the most crucial documents indicating how
this bitterly contested election was actually decided.

But it is also this book's purpose to memorialize the successful
grassroots campaign by voting rights advocates that forced an historic
Congressional challenge on the floors of the U.S. Senate and House. Acting
on an 1887 law that grew out of the stolen election of 1876, a concerned
constituency called into question before Congress the electoral votes of
an entire state for the first time in U.S. history.

Brought forth by U.S. Senator Barbara Boxer (D-CA) and by Representative
Stephanie Tubbs Jones (D-OH), the Ohio electoral delegation challenge was
the product of a unique grassroots campaign whose work is also documented
here. As the New York Times described it, "In many ways, the debate came
about because of the relentless efforts of a small group of third-party
activists, liberal lawyers, Internet muckrakers and civil rights groups,
who have been arguing since Election Day that the Ohio vote was rigged for
Mr. Bush."

The research and writing in this book has focussed on Ohio, where we have
been collectively reporting on electoral politics for more than three
decades.

While the alleged irregularities, frauds and illegalities that transpired
here in 2004 have probably generated the most thorough documention of any
state, important parallel assertions have arisen in other states around
the country, most importantly Florida and New Mexico.

As journalists and researchers with deep roots in Columbus, the state
capitol, we warned of serious problems developing in how Ohio's 2004
balloting was being administered even before the actual votes were cast.

Republican Secretary of State J. Kenneth Blackwell who oversaw the Ohio
election, is an outspoken, extremely controversial partisan who also
served as co-chair of the Bush-Cheney campaign, a conflict of interest
that aroused much anger.

In his dual role, Blackwell seemed to replay the part of Florida Secretary
of State Katherine Harris. In 2000 Harris also served as co-chair of the
state's Bush-Cheney campaign while administering the election that first
gave them the White House. In both cases, Harris and Blackwell termed the
elections "highly successful."

But were these "successes" defined in terms of their public servant roles
as Secretaries of State? Or were they defined in terms of their partisan
roles as campaign co-chairs for George W. Bush?

In this volume's first three documents, we reproduce articles published
before November 2, 2004. Widely distributed throughout the Internet weeks
before the election, they warned that a wide range of abuses stemming from
Secretary Blackwell's office and other sources had already tainted the
outcome of the upcoming Ohio vote.

On Election Day, these warnings seemed tragically prophetic. The balloting
throughout Ohio was riddled with a staggering array of irregularities,
apparent fraud and clear illegalities. Many of the questions focused on
electronic voting machines whose lack of official accountability and a
reliable paper trail had been in the news since the bitterly contested
election of 2000, four years earlier. (Similar questions also arose in
Georgia in 2002, where Democratic candidates for Governor and US Senate
had substantial leads in the major polls right up to election day, only to
lose by substantial margins).

The most widely publicized Ohio problems came as predominantly
African-American precincts turned up suspiciously short of voting
machines. Inner-city voters waited three hours on average and up to seven
hours, according to election officials and to sworn testimony of local
residents. Many voters stood in the cold rain to cast their ballots while
nearby white Republican suburbs suffered virtually no delays. The wait at
liberal Kenyon College, located in Knox County, Ohio, was eleven hours,
while voters at a nearby conservative Bible school could vote in five
minutes.

To this day no one can definitively tell how many citizens, seeing the
long lines, went home or to work or to take care of their children, thus
losing their right to vote.

But long waits were hardly the only problems predominantly Democratic
voters encountered on Election Day. Selective harassment by partisan poll
"inspectors," provisional ballot manipulations, missing registration
records, denial of absentee ballots, absentee ballots pre-punched for
Bush, faulty computer screens reflecting votes for Bush that were meant
for Kerry, apparently deliberate misinformation regarding polling
locations, inadequate poll worker training in predominantly Democratic
precincts, and much much more threw scores of polling places into serious
disarray.

In two heated public post-election hearings, attended by a thousand
central Ohioans, several hundred angry voters testified under oath on
the details of the irregularities that quickly led to the widespread
belief that the election had been stolen. Their testimony got virtually no
mainstream media coverage. But the verbatim essence of their sworn
affidavits appears in this book.

Like the elections of 2000 and 2002, much of the doubt about the election
of 2004 continues to center on the counting of votes, especially on
electronic voting machines.

About 15% of Ohio's ballots were cast on computerized devices that left no
paper trail. With more than 5.7 million votes cast in a state yielding an
official margin for Bush of less than 117,000 votes, a skewed vote count
on those machines alone could have made the difference for George W. Bush.

Sworn testimony recorded in public hearings in Columbus, Cleveland,
Cincinnati, Toledo, and Warren cast serious doubt on how those voting
machines performed. In Warren, voters pressing Kerry's name on electronic
screens repeatedly saw Bush's name light up. In predominantly Democratic
Lucas County, Diebold Opti-scan machines broke down early in the day and
were never fixed, denying thousands mostly Democrats their right to
vote.

Reports surfacing in other precincts verified that technicians dismantled
key electronic machines before a recount could be certified. Election
officials in Franklin County (where Columbus is located) reported that 77
of their machines malfunctioned on Election Day, virtually all of them in
heavily Democratic precincts. Inner city precincts in Cincinnati and
Cleveland had all-too-familiar Florida-style problems with their punch
card machines.

To date, there has been no credible, independent audit of these machines,
not in Ohio or in any other state. In Ohio, Secretary of State Blackwell
issued an order in the weeks following the election that all 2004 election
records, paper and electronic, were to be sealed from public access and
inspection. As of this book's publication date, those records remain
unobtainable.

The controversy surrounding the voting machines remains extremely fierce
in part because major manufacturers such as Diebold, ES&S, Triad, and
others are controlled by partisan Republican companies with secret
proprietary software. This unfortunate lack of transparency calls all U.S.
elections into question.

In a highly publicized controversy, Diebolt principal Walden O'Dell, a
resident of central Ohio, pledged in a 2003 GOP fundraising letter to
deliver Ohio's electoral votes to George W. Bush, leaving the indelible
suspicion that he might do it fraudulently. U.S. Senator Chuck Hagel
(R-NE) is a principle in another major voting machine company, ES&S, on
which many millions of votes were cast in 2004. Hagel was elected and
re-elected in balloting that relied on ES&S machines. Such apparent
conflicts of interest have left the poisonous impression that America's
right to cast a ballot in secret has been transcended by a private
partisan company's right to count votes in secret.

In fact, the question of electronic voting machines remains the single
largest "black hole" in the entire electoral process. Nationwide at least
30% of the votes in 2004 were cast on such "black box" machines, more than
enough to have tipped the balance in the popular vote from John Kerry to
George W. Bush.

Despite the intense battle over this election and the scrutiny it has
received worldwide, it is virtually certain there will never be a clear
answer as to how many votes cast on those machines really went to which
candidate. The 3.5 million-vote margin claimed by George W. Bush in the
2004 election remains unverifiable and, at best, forever suspect.

In reaction, GOP operatives have put forth three major arguments to defend
a Bush victory.

First, they argue that in Ohio and elsewhere, county election boards are
bi-partisan, meaning Democrats would have had to accede to any theft of an
election. This book provides a verbatim interview from William Anthony,
Democratic election board member in Ohio's Franklin County. Among other
things, Anthony confirms that Blackwell had the power to remove any
election board member, including Democrats, whose actions displeased him.
Anthony and other Ohio election board members confirm that Blackwell in
fact made at least one such threat in the lead-up to the 2004 election.
And that Blackwell specifically denied central Ohioans access to paper
ballots, a decision that might well have affected the overall outcome.

Republicans also argue that exit polls were wrong because Republicans
failed to respond to them throughout the country on election day. They
also say a late surge of evangelical voters in Florida and elsewhere
overwhelmed the polling data, and that social issues prompted tens of
thousands of core Democrats to drop their long-standing party loyalties
and to vote for George W. Bush where in 2000 they had voted by wide
margins for Al Gore.

These assertions remain unsupported by hard data. A number of documents in
this book indicate they could not be true. And in large part as a result
of these refutations, the movement demanding further scrutiny of the
national vote continued to gain momentum in the weeks and months after the
election.

Amidst the bitter controversy that was voiced in Ohio's post-election
public hearings, unprecedented national attention began to focus on what
may or may not have happened here. In late November, the Reverend Jesse
Jackson let it be known he had serious questions about the conduct of the
Ohio balloting.

In a series of visits Jackson rallied an African-American community that
felt it had been deprived of its vote. A former cohort of Dr. Martin
Luther King, Jackson compared the grassroots campaign for voter justice in
Ohio to the civil rights marches of the 1950s and 1960s. Terming the
campaign here "a bigger deal than Selma," Jackson likened what happened in
Ohio 2004 to the deprivation of black voting rights throughout the Jim
Crow South dating to the 1890s.

As a grassroots movement grew within the state and across the nation to
demand a recount, Jackson enlisted the support of Congressman John Conyers
(D-MI) and Rep. Tubbs Jones. While a citizens movement demanded to know
what Ohio had to hide, Secretary of State Blackwell dragged his feet on
the recount. He used a wide range of legal and bureaucratic maneuvers that
deprived the public of meaningful scrutiny prior to the convening of the
Electoral College, which Blackwell had long since proclaimed would go for
Bush.

The grassroots efforts coalesced into two legal actions. On the morning of
December 13, at the federal courthouse in Columbus, suits were filed on
behalf of candidates from the Green and Libertarian Parties, demanding
that the Ohio Electors not be seated until a full investigation of both
the balloting and the recount could be conducted. Meanwhile, the convenors
of the citizens' post-election hearings assembled a legal team to file two
election challenge lawsuits, Moss v. Bush, and Moss v. Moyer, at Ohio's
Supreme Court.

Rev. Bill Moss, a former member of the Columbus School Board, was the lead
plaintiff in the suits, filed against George W. Bush and Thomas Moyer,
Chief Justice of the Ohio Supreme Court. Small donor contributions from
across the country financed both actions.

Later that morning, Rep. Conyers, the ranking Democrat on the House
Judiciary Committee, convened a public forum on voting irregularities in
Ohio that was covered by C-SPAN. Conyers had already taken testimony at a
hearing in Washington. Now he was joined by Rep. Jones and Congressman Ted
Strickland (D-OH), Congresswoman Maxine Waters (D-CA), Congressman Jerome
Nadler (D-NY) and others at the Columbus City Council Chambers. The
hearing had originally been called for the Statehouse, but Republicans
there denied the Congressional delegation a room.

Taking additional testimony from Ohioans who were denied their right to
vote, Conyers' City Hall hearing also heard from national election
experts. While they testified, Republican Electors cast their ballots
around the corner at the statehouse, votes that would, as Blackwell
predicted, give the election to George W. Bush.

In the wake of these new hearings, and with growing momentum built by
Jackson, Jones, Conyers and others, a truly national movement arose to
demand a new look at what had happened on November 2. With an almost total
blackout on all coverage from the mainstream media, the vast bulk of the
information was spread through www.FreePress.org. The Free Press articles
were in turn picked up by www.CommonDreams.org, www.Truthout.org and other
democracy-minded internet outlets. Co-authors Fitrakis, Wasserman and
Rosenfeld appeared on Air America Radio Shows hosted by Laura Flanders,
Randi Rhodes, Stephanie Miller, and Marty Kaplan, as well as Pacifica
Radio, NPR, independent radio stations and with Amy Goodman on the
Democracy Now TV network.

But by and large, the fact that the story spread at all was a tribute to
the ability of the Internet to operate independently from the major media,
whose scant coverage of what happened in Ohio was almost uniformly hostile
to the idea that anything could have gone seriously wrong.

On January 3, 2005, Rev. Jackson hosted a rally in downtown Columbus at
which Rep. Jones officially announced that she would formally question the
seating of the Ohio Electoral delegation on January 6. The challenge would
come through a law passed by Congress in 1887 in response to the
Republican theft of the 1876 election.

That year the New York Democratic Samuel Tilden outpolled the Ohio
Republican Rutherford B. Hayes by about 250,000 votes. But the Republican
Party manipulated the electoral votes in Florida and other states.

After a tense five-month stand-off, a deal was cut and Hayes became
president. In exchange, the GOP ended Reconstruction by pulling the last
federal troops out of the defeated south, leaving millions of freed slaves
to the mercies of Jim Crow segregation and a system designed to deprive
them of their right to vote, a Constitutional violation not seriously
challenged until the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s.

The 1887 law provided that at the formal request of a Senator and a
Representative, the two houses of Congress would debate separately for two
hours the legitimacy of seating a specified state's delegation to the
Electoral College.

In 2000, members of the Congressional Black Caucus rose to challenge the
Florida delegation. But Vice President Al Gore, who was presiding over the
Senate at the time, recognized no senator willing to join them.

As of January 3, 2005, no U.S. senator had stepped forward to join Rep.
Jones. The next day a busload of activists left from Columbus for an
overnight "freedom ride" to Washington. As they arrived the morning of
January 5, the burgeoning "Election Protection" coalition staged a media
briefing at the National Press Club, finally generating major global media
coverage, including ABC's Nightline. Throughout that day, and the next,
Rev. Jackson, with Fitrakis and others in tow, lobbied the Congress,
providing in-depth briefings for key Democratic senators, including the
newly installed Democratic leadership and former first lady Hillary
Clinton (D-NY).

On January 6, at a morning rally across from the White House, Rev. Jackson
announced that Senator Boxer would join Rep. Tubbs Jones in questioning
the seating of the Republican delegation from Ohio to the Electoral
College.

Boxer's historic decision was greeted with loud cheers from the Election
Protection coalition. In her California re-election campaign, Boxer had
been America's third-leading vote-getter, behind Kerry and Bush. But
extremely harsh personal attacks spewed from Rep. Tom DeLay (D-TX) and the
Republican leadership in the Congress and in Ohio. Much of the Ohio media,
which had ignored the story since election day, jumped in with personal
attacks on Rep. Tubbs Jones and the voting rights activists.

As the day progressed, public rallies accompanied the Congressional
debate, much of which we have reproduced here. Then the two chambers
re-convened, certified the Ohio delegationand George W. Bush was given a
disputed second term.

But the historic controversy over the 2004 election has not ended.

At its core remain unanswered questions surrounding the actions of
Secretary of State Blackwell, the fine print of election procedure and
vote counting, as well as the still unresolved exit poll controversy and
the nature of electronic voting.

Up until 11pm Eastern Standard Time, the major election-day exit polls
showed John Kerry winning the national election. But in nine of eleven
swing states, including Florida and Ohio, massive, unexplained shifts gave
Bush the election.

Nationwide what appeared to be a victory for Kerry by about 1.5 million
votes suddenly became a 3.5 million margin for Bush.

As shown in the documents here, the hard realities of such a shift remain
unexplained.

In the months after the election, dozens of polling experts and
statisticians have scrutinized every corner of the public exit polling
data as it stacks up against the official vote counts. The major pollsters
and their national media clients still refuse to release the raw data. The
consensus, as shown here, is that the reversal of Kerry's fortunes late on
election night was in essence a statistical impossibility, with the odds
at roughly 1 in 950,000. According to these experts, John Kerry should
have been inaugurated in January, 2005.

These exit poll analyses have been generally ignored but not disputed by
the mainstream press. In early 2005, two major pollsters issued statements
saying that their initial work was in error, and that they had somehow
"under-interviewed" Republican voters, thereby skewing their findings
toward the Democrats.

But such denials are simply not credible in the eyes of a broad spectrum
of independent experts. As shown in the documents here, nearly all the
"errors" in the polling were somehow in Bush's favor. The odds against the
reversals that were shown in Florida, Ohio and Pennsylvania alone are in
the hundreds-of-thousands to one; according to experts such as the
University of Illinois's Ron Baiman, nationwide the odds approach 150
million to one.

Ironically, just prior to the 2004 US election, similar exit polls led to
the reversal of a presidential election in Ukraine, where mass
demonstrations forced a re-vote. The challenger's "defeat" in the first
voting ran so clearly counter to the exit polls that a second vote was
forced, which he won.

The Bush administration supported the revote in the Ukraine. But there was
no parallel reversal here.

The drama in Ohio continues. In early 2005, Secretary of State Blackwell
issued a fundraising letter congratulating himself for delivering Ohio to
George W. Bush. The letter contained an illegal solicitation of corporate
money, and was withdrawn as a "mistake."

Blackwell was not indicted. But the letter enhanced the widespread
suspicion that Blackwell abused his position as Secretary of State to
wrongfully deliver Ohio, and the White House, to George W. Bush.

In January 2005, Blackwell initiated an attempt by Ohio Attorney General
James Petro to sanction four attorneys who sued to get to the bottom of
what had happened on Election Day, 2004. Bob Fitrakis, Cliff Arnebeck,
Susan Truitt and Peter Peckarsky were named as attorneys to be sanctioned
at the pleasure of the Ohio Supreme Court, which is dominated by
Republicans. Petro's brief essentially argues that there were no
irregularities in the 2004 Ohio election and the Moss v. Bush and Moss v.
Moyer filings were "meritless" and "frivolous."

Chief Justice Thomas Moyer, who is cited in the second filing, refused to recuse himself, and appointed himself to rule on the Moss v. Bush case against the very lawyers who filed against him in Moss v. Moyer.

Meanwhile, Blackwell escalated his own campaign for Governor of Ohio, to
be decided in primary and general elections he would administer as
Secretary of State. As the prime candidate of the fundamentalist
far-right, Blackwell planned to follow in the footsteps of Florida's
Katherine Harris, who was rewarded with a safe Congressional seat after
delivering her state and the presidency to Bush in 2000.

As the documents in the final chapter and appendix to this book show, the
bitter controversy over the vote count in Ohio has been mirrored in other
key states around the US.

The outcome in Florida 2004 remains in many ways as severely challenged as
in 2000.

Serious questions have erupted in New Mexico, where every precinct that used electronic scanning devices went for Bush, no matter what its demographic make-up or party proclivities.

As Kerry noted in a conference call involving Jackson, Fitrakis and Arneback, it was not the Democrat or Republican, Hispanic or Anglo, rich or poor make-up of a precinct that decided the outcome in New Mexico, it was the presence of opti-scan vote counters.

Similar new concerns have since surfaced in Maryland and elsewhere.

Like the production of this book, the "Election Protection" campaign that
grew from the Ohio grassroots has been unaided by either the Ohio
Democratic Party, the Kerry campaign or any other candidate, or the major
media. But it has coalesced into a nationwide movement for meaningful
reform. Based in grassroots organizing and independent internet outlets
like www.FreePress.org, they may be our only lifeline to any hope for the
future of democracy.

The Democratic representatives who stood up on January 6 are pursuing
election reform at the federal level. It remains to be seen how that plays
out.

But the bitter controversy over Ohio 2004, like that over Florida 2000 and
Georgia 2002, rings like a firebell for the future of democracy.

Four decades after the 1965 signing of the National Voting Rights Act, and
nearly fourteen decades after 1869 passage of the Fifteenth Amendment to
the Constitution of the United States guaranteeing freed slaves the right
to vote, millions of Americans and citizens worldwide believe that our
electoral process is still vulnerable to manipulation, fraud and theft.

We believe the documents in this book form the most complete record so far
of what really happened in Ohio and elsewhere immediately before, during
and after the election of 2004. Some have been edited to avoid excessive
repetition. All are accompanied by citations meant to guide you to
original documents in their entirety, as well as to other sources
providing a variety of perspectives.

Many who are discontent with how this election was conducted now argue for
federal standards to apply to all future elections. There are a wide range
of additional reforms being proposed on all sides of the political
spectrum.

But few would disagree with the proposition put forth by Thomas Jefferson
that eternal vigilance is the price of freedom. And that free elections
demand aggressive, informed, relentless protection.

We hope this volume will facilitate informed decisions about how that can
be done in the future.

Bob Fitrakis, Steve Rosenfeld and Harvey Wasserman
Columbus, Ohio
May 2005
Buy the book today!

 http://www.freepress.org/departments/display/19/2005/1318


related:


Diebold, Electronic Voting & the Vast Right-Wing Conspiracy [just facts, quick overview]
author: Bob Fitrakis
Documents illustrate that the Reagan and Bush administration supported computer manipulation of voting machine totals in both Noriega's rise to power in Panama and in Marcos' attempt to retain power in the Philippines. --- Additionally, the US-supplied voting machines in Nicaraguan elections found that the leftist/marxist/nationalist Sandinista Nicaraguan revolutionaries 'lost' the election they promised to hold. They had promised elections in the light that the US threatened a direct military attack if they failed to do so.
 http://portland.indymedia.org/en/2004/03/282022.shtml


BUSH PLANS NATIONAL VOTE FRAUD IN 2004: A LOOK AT THE 'WAR MAP' EVIDENCE
author: Spartacus, written 29.Feb.2004

The map of where the voting machines are for 2004 is overlaid on a 10-region block area of predictable voting pattern demographics for the past 30 years. These 10 areas represent how the United States has voted in presidential elections, as blocks, in the past 30 years. This is information that would be common knowledge in any Bush 2004 planning team.

It shows where the insecure, unverifiable electronic voting machines are: it reveals that Bush is out to get the 2004 vote in a very illegal manner. It reveals that the hideous 'war plan' of the Bushites Neo-cons in power is to introduce electronic voting machine technology only where it will assure a Bush win--in particularly crucial contentious areas--while leaving durable Republican-voting areas as a low priority areas for electronic voting machine introduction. This is a national phenomenon. This is a slow motion coup, and an investment in a fascist future. As mentioned above it is based on employing a 1980s strategy of corrupt voting machines used by Bush/Reagan 1980-1992 in CIA based coups, globally. In other words, the history of the networks involved here show that they have gotten away with CIA sponsored national vote fraud in the past in other countries, and they are doing it once more--though in the United States.

The below article is a description of these 10 durable regional areas, with commentary of how the introduction of voting machine technology differently in them has allowed the option for Bush and his henchmen to remove Bush voter opposition electronically at the polls--through nationally orchestrated vote fraud.

 http://portland.indymedia.org/en/2004/02/281692.shtml