portland independent media center  
images audio video
newswire article commentary united states

government dnc & rnc actions

The 1968 democratic convention- will history repeat?

Humphrey came to Chicago with the nomination virtually sewn up -- he had between 100 and 200 more delegates than he needed, as well as the support of blacks, labor groups and Southern Democrats. However, he still felt his nomination was in jeopardy.
Brief History Of Chicago's 1968 Democratic Convention

(Sources: "Miami and the Siege of Chicago" by Norman Mailer, Facts on File, CQ's Guide to U.S. Elections)

The 1968 Democratic Convention, held on August 26-29th, stands as an important event in the nation's political and cultural history. The divisive politics of the convention, brought about by the Vietnam war policies of President Johnson, prompted the Democratic party to completely overhaul its rules for selecting presidential delegates -- opening up the political process to millions. The violence between police and anti-Vietnam war protesters in the streets and parks of Chicago gave the city a black-eye from which it has yet to completely recover. The following is a brief history of the events leading up to the convention, the convention itself and the riots surrounding it.
Events Leading up the 1968 Convention Riots

The primary cause of the demonstrations and the subsequent riots during the 1968 Chicago convention was opposition to the Vietnam War. Young peace activists had met at a camp in Lake Villa, Illinois on March 23 to plan a protest march at the convention. Anti-war leaders including David Dellinger (editor of Liberation magazine and chairman of the National Mobilization Committee to End War in Vietnam) Rennie Davis, head of the Center for Radical Research and a leader of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), Vernon Grizzard, a draft resistance leader, and Tom Hayden (also a leader of the Students for a Democratic Society) coordinated efforts with over 100 anti-war groups.

Groups related to this effort also planned events. Jerry Rubin (a former associate of Dellinger) and Abbie Hoffman (both leaders of the Youth International Party (YIPPIES) planned a Youth Festival with the goal of bringing 100,000 young adults to Chicago. They tried to get a permit from Chicago to hold a YIPPIE convention. The permit was denied, but the YIPPIES still came.

On March 31, President Johnson announced he would not seek re-election. Johnson's favorability ratings were in the mid-30% range and polls showed even less support for his Vietnam War policies (about 23%.) The announcement created uncertainty in the anti-war groups' convention plans. Many anti-war activists also became involved in the presidential campaigns of war opponents such as Sen. Robert Kennedy (D-NY), Sen. Eugene McCarthy (D-WI) and Sen. George McGovern (D-SD).

However, by early April there was much talk of Hubert Humphrey, Johnson's Vice President, running for the presidency. Humphrey officially entered the race on April 27th. Because of his close identity with the Johnson administration, the plans for demonstrations were not cancelled.

Other events preceding the 1968 Democratic convention contributed to the tense national mood. On April 4, civil rights leader Martin Luther King was assassinated and riots broke out throughout the country. (This included Chicago, where Mayor Daley reportedly gave a "shoot to kill" instruction to police.) On June 3, artist and cultural icon Andy Warhol was shot. Finally, on June 5th, presidential candidate Robert Kennedy (President John Kennedy's brother) was shot in the head after winning the California primary. He died the next day. There also were countless protests against the Vietnam war at this time. Student protesters effectively shut down Columbia University in April.
Attempts to Move the Convention from Chicago

Many Democrats were eager to move their national convention from Chicago to Miami, where the Republicans were to hold their nominating event. Democrats were concerned not only about the possibility of unruly protests, an ongoing telephone strike in Chicago threatened to cause logistical nightmares. The television networks also lobbied to move the event to Miami -- TV and phone lines already were installed at the Republican convention site. In addition, because of the phone strike in Chicago, television cameras would be limited to the hotels and the convention center -- new phone lines were needed to cover outside events. Any footage taken outside this area would have to be shot on film, which would require processing before it was broadcast.

Mayor Richard J. Daley would not let the convention leave Chicago. He promised to enforce the peace and allow no outrageous demonstrations. He also threatened to withdraw support for Humphrey, the apparent nominee, if the convention was moved. President Johnson also wanted to keep the convention in Chicago and is rumored to have said "Miami is not an American city."
The Convention

Humphrey came to Chicago with the nomination virtually sewn up -- he had between 100 and 200 more delegates than he needed, as well as the support of blacks, labor groups and Southern Democrats. However, he still felt his nomination was in jeopardy.

Humphrey was clearly seen as Johnson's man. President Johnson still had a grip over the convention, even going as far as to ensure states supportive of him received the best seats at the convention hall. But Johnson did not show up for the event.

Mayor Daley, who wanted Ted Kennedy to run for President, caucused his delegation of 118 the weekend before the convention and decided to remain "uncommitted." Humphrey also was at risk from the growing anti-war wing of the Democratic party. After vascillating between the pro-war policies of the Johnson administration and the anti-war policies of his opponents, Humphrey made it clear on CBS's Face The Nation the weekend before the convention he supported President Johnson's Vietnam policies.

Humphrey faced a major credentials fights. Delegations from 15 states tried to unseat Humphrey's delegates and seat anti-Vietnman delegates. Humphrey's forces won every fight. There also was manuevering behind the scenes at the Conrad Hilton (where the press and the Democratic party were staying) to try and get Sen. Ted Kennedy to run.

Sen. Dan Inouye (D-HI) gave the keynote address, but it was decidedly downbeat, with 10 of 13 pages devoted to what's wrong with the country. (Keynote speeches are usually upbeat affirmations of the party.)

The most contentious issue was Vietnam, and the debate on the minority "peace plank." The convention managers scheduled the debate for late (past prime-time) Tuesday night, but the peace delegates staged a protest and it was rescheduled for the next afternoon.

Debate was limited to one hour for each side and structured to prevent hostile exchanges. Rep. Phil Burton (D-CA) was the featured speaker in support of the peace plank, Sen. Edmund Muskie (D-ME) was the featured speaker in support of the Johnson-Humphrey language. After the Humphrey language was approved, the New York and California delegations began to sing "We Shall Overcome" and more delegations marched around the convention floor in protest. Television made it impossible for the convention planners to hide the protests of delegates favoring the peace plank. Even if planners tried to hide rebel delegations (such as New York and California) by placing them in the back of the convention hall and turning down their microphones, a camera and sound-man covering the floor could easily broadcast their protests across the nation.

During the debate on the peace plank, the worst day of rioting occurred outside the Amphitheater, in the so-called "Battle of Michigan Avenue."

Humphrey was nominated by Mayor Joseph Alioto of San Francisco. (His daughter is now running for Congress in California.) Sen. George McGovern was nominated by Sen. Abraham Ribicoff (D-MA), who shocked the convention by saying, "With George McGovern as President of the United States we wouldn't have Gestapo tactics in the streets of Chicago." Mayor Daley erupted in anger and shook his fist at Ribicoff. Most reports of the event also say Daley yelled an off-color epithet beginning with an "F," but accoriding to CNN executive producer Jack Smith, others close to Daley inist he shouted "Faker," meaning Ribicoff was not a man of his word, the lowest name one can be called in Chicago's Irish politics.

Humphrey easily won the nomination by more than a 1,000 votes, with the delegation from Pennsylvania putting him over the top.

On the last day, Thursday, the convention opened with a film tribute to Bobby Kennedy. Also, Mayor Daley printed up hundreds of "We Love You Daley" signs and orchestrated a pro-Daley demonstration in the convention to contrast with the negative image the city had gained during the course of the convention.

Humphrey chose Sen. Edmund Muskie (D-ME) to be his running mate. Julian Bond, the African-American civil rights activist, was nominated for Vice President, but withdrew because he was 28 years old, under the constitutional age (35) to hold the office.
The Riots

Outside the official convention proceedings, anti-war demonstrators clashed with 11,900 Chicago police, 7500 Army troops, 7500 Illinois National Guardsmen and 1000 Secret Service agents over 5 days.

The violence centered on two things: the Chicago police forcing protesters out of areas where they were not permitted to be; and protesters clashing with police, and their reinforcements, as they tried to march to the convention site.

The violence began Sunday August 25th. Anti-war leaders had tried to get permits from the city to sleep in Lincoln park and to demonstrate outside of the convention site. Those permit requests were denied, although the city did offer them a permit to protest miles away from the Amphitheater But the protesters were undeterred. When the park was officially closed, Chicago police bombed protesters with tear gas and moved in with billy-clubs to forcibly remove them from the park. Along with the many injuries to anti-war protesters, 17 reporters were attacked by police (including Hal Bruno, who was then a reporter for Newsweek and is now political director for ABC.) Throughout the convention, police would see the press as the enemy. Subsequent battles between police and protesters occurred nightly in Lincoln Park and Grant Park.

Also present that first night and throughout the convention were the famous Beat artists Allen Ginsberg and William Burroughs and French poet Jean Genet. Most events and protests featured speeches from Tom Hayden, Rennie Davis, Abbie Hoffman and Jerry Rubin.

The worst day of protesting was Wednesday, and was dubbed the "Battle of Michigan Avenue." Protesters were stopped in their march to the convention site and the media recorded graphic violence on the part of the Chicago police. Many innocent bystanders, reporters and doctors offering medical help were severely beaten by the police. Many hotels where the delegates were staying were affected by the riots. Fumes from the tear gas used by the police and "stink bombs" thrown by the protesters drifted into the buildings. (One of those affected was the Conrad Hilton, the headquarters for the Democratic party and the press.)

Another major clash occurred on the final day of the convention, when protesters tried once again to reach the convention center. They were twice turned away. A barricade was put up around the convention center to prevent anyone without credentials from entering the facility.

When the convention was finally over, the Chicago police reported 589 arrests had been made and 119 police and 100 protesters were injured. The riots, which were widely covered by the media, led to a government funded study to determine the cause of the violence. The study was led by Daniel Walker, a Democratic businessman from Illinois who would ran successfully for governor in Illinois in 1972. The study placed most of the blame on the Chicago police. Mayor Daley disagreed with the report and issued the Chicago police a pay raise.

above story total lie: ANTI-WAR '68, CIA/NIXON delegitimation of Democrats 20.May.2004 10:25


[You think that this war is the only generation that American aristocrats have manipulated social movements for their inter-family political fights and advantages? Read on, about 1968...]

Part 1
by Sherman H. Skolnick 3/17/04


Skolnick: "I am handing you, in the presence of this tv reporter, a copy of our report about the 'Chicago 7', Rennie Davis, and the CIA, entitled 'Chicago 7' Are They For Real' ".

Original CIA Station Chief: "We have already examined a copy."

Skolnick: "Now is your chance to call me a liar or fault me. Is our report accurate?"

CIA Station Chief: "Yes, I do not challenge it."



Since 1958, Mr.Skolnick has been a court reformer. Since 1963, founder/chairman, Citizen's Committee to Clean Up the Courts, disclosing certain instances of judicial and other bribery and political murders. Since 1991 a regular panelist, and since 1995, moderator/producer, of one-hour,weekly public access Cable TV Show, "Broadsides", Cablecast on Channel 21, 9 p.m. each Monday in Chicago. For a heavy packet of printed stories, send $5.00 [U.S. funds] and a stamped, self-addressed business sized envelope [4-1/4 x 9-1/2 #10 size] WITH THREE STAMPS ON IT, to Citizen's Committee to Clean Up the Courts, Sherman H. Skolnick, Chairman, 9800 South Oglesby Ave., Chicago IL 60617-4870. Office, 7 days, 8 a.m. to midnight, (773) 375-5741 [PLEASE, no "just routine calls]. Before sending FAX, call.


Short preface 3/17/2004.

After this preface there is re-typed, VERBATIM, my original investigation report of 1972. Since there is currently supposed Anti-Iraq War Movements, it is instructive to study prior such movements. Why? To determine, by example, if the leadership and direction they are taking secretly serves the purposes of the Aristocracy. To do what? To aid the ultra-rich wind-down, if not extricate themselves, from a disastrous, bloody war policy by which they may finally be exposed as ruling WITHOUT OUR CONSENT, contrary to the U.S. Constitution and Bill of Rights.

As the Founder/Chairman of our investigation group, devoted to the public interest, I tried my best to alert the public to the fakers selected and installed by funding and orders of the American CIA, as the supposed "leaders" of the An ti-Viet Nam War activists, called by some, "The Peace Movement". They were clearly fake then. Are there such NOW?

View our website story, www.cloakanddgger.ca "The Overthrow of the American Republic", Part 50, 3/16/2004, as to the efforts in the past to block us, threaten us falsely with arrest, and actually arrest me as the head of our group, for our efforts to confront CIA "peace movement" fakers, "The Chicago 7", Rennie Davis, Jerry Rubin, Abbie Hoffman, Tom Hayden, and others.

After I beat state criminal charges of trespass, in confronting Rennie Davis during a live, not taped, television program, in 1972, to explain the specific CIA funding of him and his gang; I issued our report, 1972, on the supposed "Peace Movement". I had beat the criminal charges by subpoenaing, as part of my defense, the CIA Station Chief in CHICAGO. By their charter, the CIA IS NOT SUPPOSED TO ENGAGE IN DOMESTIC OPERATIONS.

Afterwards, about 1973, in the presence of a tv reporter, I interviewed the CIA Station Chief in Chicago, outside his unmarked door in the Federal Building in Chicago.

Sherman H. Skolnick: "You are the CIA's Station Chief in Chicago, right?"

CIA Station Chief in Chicago: "Curious that you know that."

Skolnick: "Simple. The Wall Street Journal has your name on it, laying on this table in front of your receptionist's bullet-proof window, outside your unmarked door, here on the fifth floor of this Federal Building. I also noticed the red security bulb, mounted above your door, supposed to blink at the same time of triggering a silent alarm of the security patrol, if someone messes with your door. The bulb and such was installed by the CIA."

CIA Station Chief: "Well, we are limited to interviewing businessmen returning from the Soviet."

Skolnick: "I am handing you, in the presence of this tv reporter, a copy of our report about the 'Chicago 7', Rennie Davis, and the CIA, entitled 'Chicago 7' Are They For Real' ".

Original CIA Station Chief: "We have already examined a copy."

Skolnick: "Now is your chance to call me a liar or fault me. Is our report accurate?"

CIA Station Chief: "Yes, I do not challenge it."

What follows is a re-typing of our original 1972 report VERBATIM as then issued and circulated. Because of the length, it will be posted this way in parts.


"CHICAGO 7" Are They For Real?
by Sherman H. Skolnick, chairman, Citizen's Committee to Clean Up the Courts

Throughout history, governments seeking to perpetuate injustice, yet being foresighted enought to channel and contain dissent against their corrupt, repressive policies, use groups of people called "The King's Men". Such people get mon ey, power, and benefits from "The King" but he denies knowing them since they pretend to oppose him. At the present when the terms "radical" and "revolutionary" are bandied around, it is important to know who some of the alleged "radical revolutionaries " are, and to consider that some of the "Chicago 7" are "The King's Men".

Historically, it should be noted that the overthrow of the Russian Czar and the Russian Church establishment were delayed some 15 years by the premature activities of anti-czarist groups too weak to accomplish their goal, and duped and led on by Czarist agents posing as "revolutionaries". The anti-czarists were thus fooled into eating green bananas. Analysis only of well-polished rhetoric alone cannot help unmask a faker. Hard facts, compiled and analyzed point more quickly to p ut-ups playing the role of revolutionaries. Applied here will be the reasonable criteria of money, power, and benefits.

The "Chicago 7" consists of Rennie Davis, Tom Hayden, David Dellinger, Jerry Rubin, Lee Weiner, John Froines, and Abbie Hoffman. [Previously called the "Chicago 8", to include Bobby Seale, not believed part of the put-up.] Also called the "Conspiracy" or the "Conspiracy 7".

With little if any publicity, Rennie Davis and four others who later became part of the "7", nailed down the Anti-Riot Law as constitutional by a law suit brought by them in October, 1968, and ending up May, 1969, in the Chicago -based U.S. Court of Appeals, 7th Circuit.

[Nat'l Mobilization, Rennie Davis, et al., vs. Foran, No. 17274, U.S. Court of Appeals, 7th Circuit. Clerk's office of which is 27th floor, Federal Building, 219 So. Dearborn, Chicago].

During the course of this almost secret suit, Rennie's side laid down and played dead in court. For example, according to court records, Rennie's side gave up a challenge to the part of the law dealing with police. Yet, in the street a nd on lecture platforms, Rennie is quick to mouth off "Off the Pigs!" Not so in court. The suit was brought and accepted as a class action, on behalf of all persons similarly situated who cross state lines and dissent against the government, thus bindin g upon potentially millions of people, none of whom were in court in the suit or even knew of the existence of the suit.

Known only to a handful, and unknown to the public, by the time the "Conspiracy" trial started, September, 1969, the Anti-Riot Law, thanks to Rennie, Tom Hayden, et al., had been made constitutional. During the summer of 1969, Rennie, et al., abandoned an appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court. Thus, actually there were two "trials". (1) The unpublicized test case of the Anti-Riot Law, Oct., 1968 through May, 1969, and (2) the much publicized "Conspiracy" trial, Sept., 1969, through Februa ry, 1970. The public thinks the Anti-Riot Law is being challenged in the "Conspiracy" case. Not so. Under American Jurisprudence, a test of the law cannot be made twice in the same judicial circuit under the same or similar circumstances. The earlier al most secret case is legally binding, unless there is a showing the ruling was procured by fraud or collusion. Knowledgeable researchers of law suits where collusion is suspected, call such rulings "tombstone" cases, or R.I.P. case! s (Rest in Peace).

When Skolnick confronted Rennie and the others of the "7" in the hallway during recesses in the "Conspiracy" trial, one by one the "7" sought to wash their hands of the almost secret prior suit. Jerry Rubin, one of history's most skill ed actors [his uncle Sid was in vaudeville: Look Magazine, 10/7/69,' p.20], pretended he did not know what Skolnick was talking about. Dellinger said he never heard of the earlier case; yet, he was a party-plaintiff, according to the court records. Abbi e Hoffman made obscene jokes about it. A spokesman for Rennie iinformed Skolnick that Rennie had nothing to do with the case. Hardly a word of this ever saw print or got on air, yet 5 of the "7" were plaintiffs in the almost secret earlier case.< /DIV>

For some 14 months, starting September, 1969, to November, 1970, there was, with a few isolated exceptions, an almost total news black-out by the Establishment Press, and even, wonder of wonders, by most of the so-called "underground" papers, who spend the bulk of their column space on drugs and pornography, with little anti-establishment news. [It should be noted that the Czars had their "underground", czarist-owned newspapers also, with many with names when translated are the same as names of some familiar "underground" papers. Presently, some 60% of the "underground" papers have been quietly bought out by the Kinney Corp., on whose board sit several C.I.A. people].

With considerable labor, time, and energy, from January, 1968 (before Convention Week) to date, staff membes of the Citizen's Committee to Clean Up the Courts (called the Committee), as part of an on-going inquiry into court collusion, have unearthed mountains of factual data, tending to show the "7" case was a real conspiracy. The Committee believes, based on this data, that during the much-publicized "7" trial, Tom Hayden, Rennie Davis, Jerry Rubin, and Abbie Hoffman, should have b een more properly sitting at the Government prosecutor's table in the courtroom. Since the Committee does not have much, if any, inside information, we can never know for sure whether we are right. Only a confession or admission by any of the "7" could be more certain---such as the recent confessions of two West Coast agent-provocateur, Louis Tackwood and Eustacio Martinez, that they were posing as "radical revolutionaries".

1. Background and finances of the "Chicago 7". Unknown to the public, Rennie Davis, Tom Hayden, and the others who became the "7", and persons connected with them in the National Mobilization to End the War in Viet Nam, wer e funded by federal money, channeled to them through pass-through organizations connected with the government. $192,000 in federal money and $85,000 from the Carnegie Foundation, acting as a conduit for the Central Intelligence Agency, were funneled to Hayden, Davis, et al., through a front calling itself the Chicago Student Health Organization. To maintain the deep "cover" of this latter group, stories were planted in the press describing the group as being "communist" inspired or directed.

Another $193,313 was funneled to the "7" from the federal Office of Economic Opportunity by way of or through subsidiaries of the Institute for Policy Studies, Washington, D.C., an alleged "liberal" think tank posing as a left wi ng group, but acting as a conduit for the C.I.A. Other substantial funds came from the Roger Baldwin Foundation which has, nationwide, taken over the structure of the American Civil Liberties Union. The A.C.L.U., such as it was prior to 1967, ; no longer exists. The Roger Baldwin Foundation is funded by several pass-throughs, or conduits, for the C.I.A., among others being:

J.M. Kaplan Fund, Inc. [of New York]; New World Foundation; Aaron E. Norman Fund, Inc.

This is shown by a detailed analysis of I.R.S. form 990-A, filed by these foundations [one of the few public record tax returns]. Several persons acting for the C.I.A. sit on the Board of Overseers of the Roger Baldwin Foundation : Jacob M. Kaplan and John L.Saltonstall, among others.

As to Jacob M. Kaplan, see: New York Times Index, "U.S. Intelligence Agency", 1967. Several members of the Saltonstall family are involved with the C.I.A.: Senator Leverett Saltonstall (R., Mass.), sits with a very small number o f people on the Senate C.I.A. sub-committee. Senator Saltonstall received warm praise in a rare public speech by the director of the C.I.A. Another Saltonstall family member posed as a "radical revolutionary" during 1968 Democratic Con vention Week, although in fact a counter-insurgent. Saltonstall's brother is a high-ranking C.I.A. official; see, "The Espionage Establishment" by David Wise and Thomas B. Ross, 1967, Random House, pp. 160-161; also pp. 148n; 171, 173, 173n.

To assist those who later became known as the "7", the Roger Baldwin Foundation in Chicago operated a Democratic Convention Week Project. In a suit now pending in the U.S. District Court in Chicago, the defense of one of the defendants is funded by the Roger Baldwin Foundation. That defendant refused to answer questions about the pass-through funds channeled from the C.I.A. to the Roger Baldwin Foundation. See: Skolnick vs. 113th Military Intelligence Group, et al., No. 71 C 91, U.S. Dist. Court, N.D. Ill., E.D. [Defendant John M. O'Brien, while purportedly a military intelligence spy, is believed to be a double-agent for the C.I.A.]

2. Tom Hayden is one of the more quiet members of the "7". He is a brilliant counter-insurgent posing as a "radical revolutionary", operating under the deep "cover" and installed by the Kennedys in the early 1960s. Hayden has one of the highest security clearances in the U.S. He risked blowing his deep "cover" when he sat with highest government officials on the Senator Robert F. Kennedy funeral train. (See: Logistics of the Funeral" by Anthony Howard, Esquire Magazine, Nov., 1968, p.120.)

Both Tom Hayden and Rennie Davis nailed down their deep "cover" by taking up residence in depressed areas, and proceeding to agitate the community. Started in Newark, New Jersey, in the summer of 1964, Hayden's activities resulte d, in part, in the disorders a few years later in Newark. All the while, oddly enough, Hayden had almost absolute police immunity.

Hayden in the spring of 1972 has taken up residence in San Diego, in preparation for the G.O.P. convention there. While others find it hard to get teaching positions, or are run out of their jobs for their politics (such as Angela Davi s), Hayden suddenly gets two teaching positions convenient to his San Diego activities: one at Immaculate Heart College, and the other, at University of California, at Los Angeles.

3. Rennard C. Davis, "Rennie" Davis. Rennie's image as a "radical revolutionary" was firmly planted by his publicist and strategist, Don Rose, of 1340 East Madison Park, in Chicago's Hyde Park area. Not too long ago, Rose was an executive of the ultra-right wing, quasi-government organization, Public Administration Service, 1313 East 60th St., Chicago. P A S is connected with, and does work for, the U.S. War Department, Mutual Security Agency, and a C.I.A. subsidiary, th e Agency for International Development. Among other things, P A S does work in puting together police training information. The funding for Don Rose's work comes, in part, from the C.I.A. pass-through, the Taconic Foundation of New York. Rose is al so the publicist for an umbrella group of so-called Civil Rights organizations, called the National Catholic Conference for Interracial Justice, NCCIJ, 1307 So. Wabash, Chicago. The recent head of that group, and the previous head! , were directly connected with, or officers or directors of urban-affairs type foundations and groups funded by the C.I.A. (See: Ramparts Magazine, June, 1969, p.17; Chicago Defender, 9/10/70, front page.)

One of the government functions of NCCIJ is to act as an early warning system regarding the black community and any bad reactions to injustices. NCCIJ compiles information on various civil rights groups and feeds that data to var ious federal agencies that need to be informed of possible rebellion in the black community. The Roger Baldwin Foundation's Ghetto Project in Chicago fulfills a similar purpose.


This is end of Part One of this report, as originally made and circulated in 1972. The items in parentheses and brackets are in the original. To be continued.

3/17/2004. A few notes as updates.

===In the Chicago U.S. District Court, in my anti-spying case against the 113th Military Intelligence Group, I had a winning verdict. At the time countering cases like mine in the Justice Department was William Rehnquist. Soon after my winning verdict, Rehnquist was then appointed to the U.S. Supreme Court where he heard and ruled on a case like mine, destroying my winning verdict. REHNQUIST IS AN UNETHICAL SCOUNDREL. HE DID NOT DISQUALIFY HIMSELF DESPITE HIS PRIOR JUSTICE DEPARTMENT ROLE AS TO SUCH ANTI-SPY CASES LIKE MINE.

===Prior to becoming First Lady in the Clinton Administration, Hillary Rodham Clinton was a Director of the CIA-funded New World Foundation. Hillary and Bill are a marriage of convenience, two incompatible sorts hooked together, as a f ollow up of their separate roles with the American C.I.A.

===The Nation Magazine gets part of their funding from the mentioned CIA Foundations, like the J.M. Kaplan Fund of New York. Once in a while the magazine will run a heavily censored, watered down story, harmless in the extreme, about a purported overseas C.I.A. operation. They never seem to want to mention, however, dirty, bloody DOMESTIC U.S. operations of C.I.A. which do occur in violation of the spy agency's charter.

=== Mr. Skolnick's articles appear on his website www.skolnicksreport.com as well as on the website www.cloakanddagger.ca and he is a listed COLUMNIST and his articles are posted and later archived on www.rense.com. He is a co-host along with Lenny Bloom on an Internet audiostreaming program, soon to be at maximum internet pipeline strength. The schedules will appear on www.cloakanddagger.ca Recently published, the book "Ahead of the Parade" by Sherman H. Skolnick, A Who's Who of Treason & High Crimes---Exclusive Details of Fraud & Corruption of the Monopoly Press, the Banks, the Bench and the Bar, & the Secret Political Police. Can be ordered U.S./Canada 1-800-861-7899. Can also supposedly be ordered from Amazon.com HOWEVER, recently they have blockaded their own marketing and sales of this controversial book by DEMANDING twice the listed price.


Mr. Skolnick's articles appear on his website www.skolnicksreport.com as well as on the website www.cloakanddagger.ca and he is a listed COLUMNIS T and his articles are posted and later archived on www.rense.com

He is a co-host along with Lenny Bloom on an Internet audiostreaming program, soon to be at maximum internet pipeline strength. The schedules will appear on www.cloakanddagger.ca

Recently published, the book "Ahead of the Parade" by Sherman H. Skolnick, A Who's Who of Treason & High Crimes---Exclusive Details of Fraud & Corruption of the Monopoly Press, the Banks, the Bench and the Bar, & the Secret Political Police. Can be ordered U.S./Canada 1-800-861-7899.

Can also supposedly be ordered from Amazon.com HOWEVER, recently they have blockaded their own marketing and sales of this controversial book by DEMANDING twice the listed price.


Part 2
by Sherman H. Skolnick

Preface 3/19/4:

This is part two of the posting of our original report, 1972, about the Anti-Viet Nam War supposed activists. They were selected, installed, and financed, on behalf of the Aristocracy, through their American CIA, as the supposed "leade rs" of what was called then the "Peace Movement".

These government-paid and protected agents provocateurs were the main focus of the oil-soaked, spy-riddled monopoly press. The purpose? To keep other real peaceniks from being heard and seen. And further, to censor and side-track any and all data as to the war-mongers and war-profiteers among the Federal Banker-Judges, paid stooges in Congress, and the White House.

The American CIA instigated the riots in August, 1968, at the Democrat Party Convention in Chicago, discrediting the Democrat candidate for President. Some of the rioters were dupes and the Chicago Police were not informed about what really they were facing and why. The bottom line? Richard M. Nixon, Fascist-inclined on behalf of the Establishment, was installed in the White House. When the "powers that be" were finished using Nixon as a stooge and scapegoat, they put the ir CIA-funded fakers to lead a nationwide campaign to remove him, 1973-1974 after he was re-elected in a purported land-slide election 1972, with the Watergate Affair on purpose not widely discussed PRIOR to the re-election. That was through the R oger Baldwin Foundation, as we mentioned in Part One, that took over, in 1967, the defunct American Civil Liberties Union, and continues even now to use the term "ACLU", as if, as an entity, they still existed.

Included are items in parentheses and brackets, all verbatim as in our original report. Some updates included at the end of this posting. "The Committee" referred to is the Citizen's Committee to Clean Up the Courts, Founder/Chairman, since 1963, Sherman H. Skolnick.

The purpose is for those who wish to study an example of an Anti-War Movement created by the Establishment. And then compare it, if possible, to any Anti-Iraq War Movement that may be led by fakers installed, directed, and funded by th e Aristocracy, by way of again winding down a bloody, disastrous, blundering war policy that if not terminated, could unravel the dirty business of the Ultra-Rich and how they create and instigate Wars and Depressions to further enrich themselves.

In sum, the mass media lied then. They are lying now. Do not foolishly demand that WE forward copies of this series to the liars and whores of the press. If you are so inclined, YOU do that.


Just prior to the Democrat Convention Week, Don Rose planted a story in the Chicago Tribune, calculated to attribute any possible Convention Week disorders to "communists" or other alleged "subversives". Rose, as an alleged "radical", attended a pre-convention, insiders only, meeting at the Moraine Hotel, in Highland Park, Illinois. (By a complicated series of events, that hotel had become a federally-owned property.) The secret minutes of what purportedly took place there, August 4, 1968, was written about by the Chicago Tribune's "Red Squad" (Chicago Police Subversives Unit) reporter, Ronald Koziol. In a front page story, 9/5/68, head-lined "Bare Secret Riot Planning". The so-called "secret minutes" were planted by Don Ros e with Ron Koziol, for the purpose of discrediting dissent and the peace movement, by describing them as "communist" dominated.

Rose often offers his help, for free, to civil rights type groups that appear to be going too anti-establishment. He thus neutralized a bus strike by controlling the publicity in the summer of 1968, of the Concerned Transit Workers. Mo re recently, Rose attempted to take over the publicity of a chicano group on the Far South Side of Chicago.

Rose was and is able to control the public image of Rennie Davis and others of the "7" as purported "radical revolutionaries" by way of Rose's father-in-law, Jesse Bogue, an executive with the worldwide wire service, United Press Inter national. Bogue attempted to stop the circulation of the story about the head of NCCIJ being with the C.I.A. Bogue succeeded in keeping it a local rather than network story.

Among the functions of Rennie Davis as a counter-insurgent, under deep "cover", is to help compile data on U.S. Prisoners of War in North Viet Nam. With the help of an instant court order by Federal Circuit Judge Otto Kerner, Jr., Rennie went to North Viet Nam, in July, 1969, to bring bac k P.O.W. Navy Lt. Robert F. Frishman. Frishman began a tour of the U.S., lecturing on how brutal and inhumane he was treated as a P.O.W., directly contrary to the position of the peace movement.

"Frishman was taken on tour by the Navy, making highly publicized visits to six cities in five days to tell his story to the wives and families of captured and missing pilots. He gave many television and newspaper interviews and publis hed an account of his experiences in the Readers Digest in December, 1969. No other returned prisoners had been given such freedom to speak out. "There is evidence in the public record that Frishman seriously distorted and misrepresented the prison conditions inside North Viet Nam." Quoting a free lance reporter, knowledgeable in such matters, "When the Frishman debriefing papers came across his desk, he recalled 'I smelled a ringer right off. It just didn't jibe with everything else I had seen'....Frishman was te lling a song and dance story.' " Chicago Sun-Times, The PW Story, by Seymour M. Hersh, 2/14/71, page 5 and 42, Home Edition. " 'There was an absolutely valid case that somebody had to make', against both the North Vietnamese, one State Department oficial said....'Frishman truly was a godsend.' " Same story, page 42 (Emphasis added.)

Court documents regarding Rennie's trip to North Viet Nam state or imply that he was there on business for the "State Department". (Emergency Motion, by defendant Rennie Davis, No. 69 CR 180, U.S. District Court, N.D., Ill., E.D.)

4. Stuart Ball, Sr., and his son, Stuart Scoble Ball, Jr. (who dressed himself to look with his hair and beard like Rasputin), together with Don Rose, called the shots for the "7" trial. Investigators for the Committee disc overed the Stuart Ball's (Jr. and Sr.) command center, conveying messages and orders to others who carried them to the alleged principal "7" lawyers, William Kunstler and Leonard Weinglass. Rose's messenger, on the other hand, came and went from J udge Hoffman's courtroom about every 30 to 45 minutes during the trial, carrying messages to Kunstler, Weinglass, and Rennie, and others.

The uncle of Ball, Jr., is George W. Ball, high C.I.A. official, who came out in the Pentagon Papers smelling sweet while putting down the military [for 25 years there has been bitter rivalry between the C..I.A. and the military]. ; Ball, Sr., is a partner inn the law firm of Sidley & Austin, Chicago, suspected of being a C.I.A. conduit. Several of the partners are with the C.I.A. including Matthew J. iverson. [See: Hard Times Newspaper, Sept. 22-29, 1969, No. 45, p.1]. A former partner in the firm is Walter J. Cummings, Jr., now a judge in the U.S. Court of Appeals in Chicago. Cummings is also a substantial stockholder in the war-&-church interlocked Continental I ll. Nat'l Bank & Trust Co. of Chicago. The "7" appeal is pending before Judge Cummings and two other appeals judges.

Sidley & Austin are also the attorneys for Illinois Bell Telephone Co. Complaints by phone patrons about wire-tapping are referred to Stuart Ball Sr.'s law firm. Several of the partners in Sidley & Austin. including Tully Fried man, are financially interlocked and/or in other ways participants, with Chicago-based Adlai Stevenson Institute, a foreign affairs "think tank", operated by State Department and C.I.A. officials. Among the Stevenson Institute directors have been George W. Ball, James Hoge, Jr.(more on him later), Sol M. Linowitz, and Paul G. Hoffman. Linowitz, an official with the Organization of American States, and former head man at Xerox Corp., is a counter-insurgent expert with the State Department.

The policy making group in the C.I.A. is called the "Special Group" created in the Eisenhower years under the secret order 54/12. Among the members of the "Special Group" is George W. Ball. (See: "The Invisible Government", by David Wi se and Thomas B. Ross, paperback ed., pp.278-279, 313.)

Another Stevenson Institute director , Paul G. Hoffman, has a long history of links with the C.I.A. He is also director of Fund for the Republic, Inc., interlocked financially and by overlapping personnel with the Albert Parvin F oundation and the Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions, both of the latter fronts and recipients of funds of the C.I.A. The latter two are also interlocked with Inter-American Center of Economic and Social Studies, known as C.I.D.E.S., a C.I.A.operation in Latin America. [See: New York Times Index, 1967 to date .]

5. Command centers. Ostensibly, the "7" had their office during and prior to Convention Week, in Chicago's Old Colony Building, 408 So. Plymouth Court, one block from the Federal Building. Some of the actual command center s were as follows: (a) in the office of the alleged director of Labor Education, Frank W. McCallister (now deceased), of Roosevelt University, downtown Chicago. McCallister, while allegedly director of Labor Education, carried out various counter-insurge ncy functions of the U.S. State Department in three African countries: Nigeria, Sierra Leone, and the Congo, and in the South American country, Guyana, (formerly British Guiana), scene of violent counter-insurgency activities designed to put down local rule, and in various places in Europe and Asia.

(b) In the Chicago office of the Roger Baldwin Foundation, 6 So. Clark St.

6. Efforts to control the assignment of trial judge. Originally, the "7" trial was to be heard by then Chief Judge of the U.S. District Court, William J. Campbell, who was vulnerable to public challenge because of hi s links to the C.I.A. and the crime syndicate. Campbell has been a director of the Albert Parvin Foundation, a counter-insurgency operation for training African students, originally sent by West Coast hoodlums to give a tax shelter to their money. See u ndisputed documentation in case #17181, U.S. Court of Appeals, 7th Circuit, Additional Appendix, pp.109-120. The Parvin Foundation is a pass-through for C.I.A. funds. See: New York Times Index, "U.S. Intelligence Agency", 1967, to date.

Until recently, the president of the Albert Parvin Foundation has been Associate Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court, William O. Douglas. During attempts to impeach Douglas, his links to the C.I.A. and the Parvin Foundation became part o f the government record.

See: Final Report by the Special Subcommittee on House Res. 920, of the Committee on the Judiciary, House of Representatives, 91st Congress, 2nd Session, Sept. 17, 1970, pp. 18-21.

Shortly after Rennie Davis and the others were indicted on Riot Conspiracy charges, March, 1969, one evening Rennie sought to pick the brains of the staff of the Committee, in respect to Judge Campbell. Naively, the researchers presume d Rennie was going to confront Campbell in court with the data. The next morning, barely 12 hours later, Campbell, on his own motion, mysteriously disqualified himself from the "7" case, without Rennie filing any paper on this. The case was then s teered onto the docket of District Judge Julius J. Hoffman.

In case of an adverse trial ruling before Judge Hoffman, Rennie and the others were prepared to destroy, or seek to destroy, the public image of Judge Hoffman, and thereby seek to overturn a guilty verdict. Judge Hoffman is noted for h elping gangsters go free by committing what is known in law as "reversible error", conduct and rulings by him contrary to accepted law and procedure, thus almost automatically invalidating his verdict on appeal.


Updates, 3/19/2004:
"Chicago 7" trial attorney William Kunstler had been with the predecessor agency to CIA, namely OSS. During the "7" trial he used to eat lunch with Chicago U.S. District Judge Hubert L. Will who had been C.I.A.'s head of Counter-Intell igence in Europe. Kunstler ran away every time Skolnick or any of Skolnick's associates sought to question the lawyer about his activities with the C.I.A. in the 1950s and 1960s. Kunstler was an expert on creating apparent fake scenarios with his expert ise at writing radio scripts.

In should be noted, we also naively permitted Rennie and his gang, to pick our brains about what we knew about Judge Hoffman. We presumed Rennie wanted to use it to disqualify Judge Hoffman. It never got into the court record. We had i nformed Rennie and his underlings that Hoffman had previously been a top official of the Brunswick Company, manufacturer of bowling ball machines and he was tight with known hoodlums who established the firm and then currently, the Judge was a major sto ckholder of Brunswick which at the time the Judge got Rennie's case, the firm was a major war weapons producer. A real peace movement leader, not one selected, installed, and funded by the American C.I.A., would have been glad to publicize known wa r industry details about Judge Hoffman and his firm, Brunswick.

Failure to speak out against war mongers and war profiteers is typical of fake so-called Anti-War "leaders" who just fail to ever speak out about specific persons, companies, and pertinent events.This is a lesson obviously to be studie d and applied to any of the current Anti-Iraq War activists.

In the 1970s, our work led to the jailing, for bribery, of Federal Appeals Judge Otto Kerner, Jr. He was the highest level sitting federal Judge to be so sent to prison in the history of the U.S.

More parts coming. Stay tuned.


Mr. Skolnick's articles are posted and archived through www.skolnicksreport.com as well as www.cloakanddagger.ca and he is a COLUMNIST and his ar ticles are posted, from time to time, and archived, through www.rense.com and you can get right to those archives, by direct clicking www.rense.com/ Datapages/skolnickdatapage.html

With Lenny Bloom, Skolnick is a co-host of a popular audiostreaming program soon to be widely available through maximum Internet pipeline capacity. Check schedule. www.cloakanddagger.ca

Recently published, the book "Ahead of the Parade", by Sherman H. Skolnick, A Who's Who of Treason & High Crimes---Exclusive Details of Fraud & Corruption of the Monopoly Press, the Banks, the Bench and the Bar, & the Secre t Political Police. Can be ordered U.S./Canada 1-800-861-7899.

Can also supposedly be ordered from Amazon.com HOWEVER, in recent times they blockaded their own marketing and sales of this controversial book, by demanding TWICE the listed price.


Since 1958, Mr.Skolnick has been a court reformer. Since 1963, founder/chairman, Citizen's Committee to Clean Up the Courts, disclosing certain instances of judicial and other bribery and political murders. Since 1991 a regular panelist, and since 1995, moderator/producer, of one-hour,weekly public access Cable TV Show, "Broadsides", Cablecast on Channel 21, 9 p.m. each Monday in Chicago. For a heavy packet of printed stories, send $5.00 [U.S. funds] and a stamped, self-addressed business sized envelope [4-1/4 x 9-1/2 #10 size] WITH THREE STAMPS ON IT, to Citizen's Committee to Clean Up the Courts, Sherman H. Skolnick, Chairman, 9800 South Oglesby Ave., Chicago IL 60617-4870. Office, 7 days, 8 a.m. to midnight, (773) 375-5741 [PLEASE, no "just routine calls]. Before sending FAX, call.


Part 3
by Sherman H. Skolnick

Preface to the series as of 3/23/2004:

This is another part of our series on the Anti-War Movement at the time of the Viet Nam War. Studying this may help to scrutinize any possible fakers foisted on us as supposed "leaders" and "activists" of the Anti-Iraq War Movement.

The report was issued by us in 1972. It is here VERBATIM as it was then circulated. Items in parentheses and brackets are identical to what was in the report.

It is about the fakers selected, installed, and funded by the American CIA, and promoted by the liars and whores of the Press as the supposed main activists and "leaders" of the Anti-Viet Nam War activities, known then as the "Peace Mo vement". Called "The Chicago 7 ", that was Rennie, Davis, Abbie Hoffman, Jerry Rubin, Tom Hayden, and others.

The purpose was to sidestep the specifics of the Aristocracy and the war-mongers who are the stooges and scapegoats for them. And, to wind down the disastrous Viet Nam War before it would expose how the Establishment profits from insti gating wars and depressions to further enrich the Ultra-Rich. Sound familiar?

A further purpose was to discredit the 1968 Democrat Party candidate for President Hubert Humphrey, to install Richard M. Nixon for the GOP, as the Fascist-inclined occupant and resident of the Oval Office.

The "Committee" referred to is the independent-minded investigative group, Citizen's Committee to Clean Up the Courts, the Founder/Chairman of which has been Sherman H. Skolnick, since 1963.

Earlier parts told how the trial judge was manipulated. Now we learn about the jurors hearing the Anti-Riot Act federal criminal prosecution of the "7", starting in 1969.


7. Efforts to overturn the contempt ruling and the guilty verdict against 5 of the "7".

(a) Planting of a juror. November 12, 1970, the U.S. Court of Appeals, Chicago, ruled that the "7" case be sent back to Judge Hoffman for the specific determination whether there were unlawful notes passed between the delib erating jurors and Judge Hoffman; whether there was a forbidden compromise verdict as contended by juror Kay Richards in her copyright stories, after the trial, in the Chicago Sun-Times. In an unprecedented special hearing before Judge Hoffman, starting December 19, 1970, the jurors themselves, one by one took the witness stand.

Key testimony was by juror Kay Richards Stevens (married after the trial to Thomas P. Stevens). Age 23, she allegedly is a computer operator. At the beginning of the trial, September, 1969, Kay Richards was the only one of 4 alternate jurors, NOT a regular juror. By a trick, trial juror Miss Kristi A. King, 23, was forced to excuse herself as a juror. Judge Hoffman read Miss King an allegedly threatening letter received by her parents from "The Black Panthers". Revealingly, it was not signed correctly as "Black Panther Party". Kay Richards replaced Miss King, and thus Miss Richards was "planted" by what appears to be a group of forces assisted by executives of the Marshall Field Enterprise newspapers, the Chicago Sun-Times an d the Daily News.

Mrs. Stevens testimony, 11/20/70, included (a) her contentions that the verdict, by her doings, was a forbidden "compromise verdict", which if not otherwise disputed, constitutes "reversible error", which will turn the conviction of 5 of the "7" upside down. (b) She was the only juror who had no room-mate while the jurors stayed at the Palmer House, and the only juror to meet with a family member outside the presence of a court deputy marshal (she met with her fiance Thomas P. Steven s). Not coincidentally, she brought with her a typewriter and was busy clacking away on her "notes" almost every night between trial sessions. She alleged her fiance in the middle of the trial, arranged supposedly unknown to her, a contract with the Sun -Times for her exclusive story. (He, not being her husband yet, would have no legal right to arrange such a contract for her). She forgot, she said, what the Sun-Times paid her. She refused to state what position her husband has w! ith the County of Cook.

Data unearthed by the Committee shows that her husband, Thomas P. Stevens, in December, 1969, became director of the Classification Dept. of the County government. He is one of the few people in Cook County who would know b y position every undercover agent in Cook County. Although this data was made available to the news media, they refused to use it.

(b) Release of records, government and otherwise, to be used to destroy the public image of trial Judge Julius Hoffman. Shortly after the contempt ruling and the February, 1970, guilty ruling for 5 of the "7", certain records, by two methods were turned over to the Committee. The first group of records arrived from an emissary of the "7", known to the C ommittee. The second group of records arrived by other means.

It was evident from an examination of the records and explanatory notes accompanying them, that: (1) some of the records evidently were from inside government sources;

(2) others were non-public bank records and references to bank records.

The upshot of these two groups of records was that a possibly good case could be made out, showing that Judge Julius Hoffman took a gift, gratuity, or "bribe", of $300,000, from a litigant in an earlier, unrelated case, unrelated to th e "7". From all surrounding circumstances, it was evident the "7" wished to have Skolnick's Committee to be the method of exposing Judge Hoffman for purported "bribery", and thus destroy Judge Hoffman's public image and thereby undermine the validity of the jail rulings against the "7". The Committee has never accused Judge Hoffman of being honest.

The dilemma: on the one hand, the purported records appear genuine. On the other hand, there is a lingering suspicion tha they were planted with the Committee, not for an effort to merely expose corruption, but to destroy Judge Hoffman for the express benefit of the "7". The Committee has so far not made a public issue of those records, since it became evident that a faction IN THE GOVERNMENT wanted Judge Hoffman destroyed to benefit the Chicago 7.

8. Manipulation of judges to gain worldwide travel permission for the "7". In respect to key rulings on worldwide travel permission for some of the "7", the important rulings were made by two judges of the U.S. Court of Appeals in Chicago: (a) Federal Circuit Judge Otto Kerner, Jr., and (b) Chief Judge Luther M. Swygert.

Judge Otto Kerner, Jr. Members of Skolnick's Committee have been instrumental in focussing a certain federal probe onto Judge Otto Kerner, Jr., resulting in Kerner's indictment in December, 1971. In the course of that work , the Committee became aware of the fact that Judge Kerner was being pressured and manipulated to grant almost an unlimited. worldwide trafvel permission to some of the "Chicago 7".

A key ruling of Judge Kerner came on July 15, 1969, prior to the Conspiracy trial. Kerner, at the drop of a hat, almost instantly upon application, ordered that Rennie Davis be authorized to travel to Paris, France, and to Hanoi, North Viet Nam, commencing that same day. (U.S. vs. Rennard C. Davis, No. 17761, U.S. Court of Appeals, 7th Circuit, Chicago). It is apparent from the application for travel permission that Rennie, an alleged "radical revolutionary", was going on U.S. State Department business. See: previous mention of P.O.W., Navy Lt. Robert F. Frishman.

In May, 1971, Abbie Hoffman and Rennie Davis were indicted as a result of certain purported disorders as part of the "May Day Tribe" in Washington, D.C. By May, 1971, it was also evident, or becoming evident, that Judge Kerner himself faced indictment. To appease a certain faction in the Justice Department, Judge Kerner entered a court order revoking Abbie and Rennie's travel permission and severely restricted them to their home districts. Oddly, there was a contrary court orde r entered by Judge Swygert. (Judges in the same court have equal power; they cannot over-rule one another.)

Judge Luther M. Swygert. By May, 1971, it was becoming evident that Judge Swygert, like Kerner, was the target of a federal probe. The particulars of an apparent series of frauds participated in by Swygert were put into th e Congressional Record by Congressman H.R. Gross, of Iowa. Cong.Rec., May 17, 1971, p. E4482. Congressman Gross and others demanded an investigation of the plundering of a multi-million dollar real estate company by Judge Swygert and associates of his, including his former law partner.

On June 11, 1971, members of the Committee discovered in the file of case No.s 18294, 18295 (the "7" appeals), the above described court order by Judge Kerner revoking court travel permission. Committee members went to the Chief Clerk of the U.S. Court of Appeals, requesting a certified copy of the same. Whereupon, in the presence of two Committee members, the Chief Clerk tore up and discarded the court order, and said "This is none of your business".

The federal probe of Judge Kerner began to take shape in April, 1969. From that time until May, 1971, the important travel permission for the "7" were entered by Judge Swygert. From May, 1971, and thereafter, most of the court or dered travel permission has been entered by Judge Swygert. May, 1971, is also the time when demands for a federal probe of Judge Swygert began to take shape.

Because the Committee is instrumentally involved in the probe of both judges, the Committee is quite aware of numerous bits and pieces of details that support the statement that Kerner and Swygert have been manipulated and pressured to grant court ordered worldwide travel permission to the benefit of some of the "Chicago 7".

9. Another example of governmental money, power, and benefits to the "Chicago 7". Shortly after the "7" indictment, March, 1969, Rennie Davis arranged a lease for the "Conspiracy" office, as it was called. Rooms 404-407, i n the Steger Building, 28 East Jackson Blvd., Chicago. That building at the time of the lease was a federally owned and supervised building. The lease started June 1, 1969,. [Note: the previous mention of the pre-convention secret meeting at anoth er federally owned and supervised property, the Moraine Hotel.]

Several tenants near and above Rooms 404-407 were arbitrarily forced to move by the building manager suddenly doubling and tripling their rent. The FBI occupied vacated space near and above the "Conspiracy" offices. An alleged employme nt agency in the Steger Building appears to have been a surveillance and protection "cover" operation. Ostensibly, the FBI was keeping the "Conspiracy" under surveillance. Their actual functions appeared to have include protecting Rennie and others from harm by right wing extremists who would not know Rennie's true role as a counter-insurgent and believed that he was a "radical revolutionary".

Little known records in a Circuit Court of Cook County case show that the lease required federal permission. See; Hulman vs. Lawn Savings, Circuit Court of Cook County, Chancery Division, No. 68 CH 1888. Asset: Steger Building. The lea se also required court permission.

10. During the "7" trial, unknown to the public, Abbie Hoffman stayed from time to time at the home of James Hoge, Jr., director of the Stevenson Institute and executive director of the Chicago Sun-Times. (Field Enterprises executives, many of them in the war business, are not exactlly "left wing".) The Sun-Times, as noted, ran the copyright "compromise verdict" series by juror Kay Richards, and had editorialized for the release of the "7" on appeal bond.

The president , until recently, of the Newspaper Division of Field Enterprises, has been Bailey K. Howard, listed in the banned book "Who's Who in the C.I.A.". He has been a director of General Analine & Film Corp., interlocke d at one time with Hitler's I.G. Farben Works. Howard is a major stockholder and until recently a director of Chicago's scandal-ridden Civic Center Bank (now called the Chicago Bank of Commerce). Howard's close pal, Judge and Major General Otto Ke rner, Jr., is a fellow stock-holder.

The major news media have seen to it that no one disturbs the media image of the "7" as being "radical revolutionaries".

More coming. Stay tuned.


Updates as of 3/23/2004: The "7", instigating the riots at the 1968 Democrat Convention in Chicago, discredited Presidential Candidate Hubert Humphrey and helped install Richard M.Nixon. In later years, a source of ours turned over a huge pile of secret intern al records of the Encyclopedia Britannica, showing that Hubert Humphrey in the 1970s traveled around the U.S. and elsewhere, supposedly helping market the Encyclopedias. The huge funds paying him off were from the American CIA, through the E ncyclopedia offices in Chicago, and laundered through the Chicago facilties of the Northern Trust Bank of Chicago, by way of two C.I.A. officials as purported officers of that bank.

That is, the bloody spy agency was covering all bases, both Humphrey and Nixon.

Some time after circulating in 1972 our story about the "Chicago 7", we found out that the apparently "planted" juror, Kay Richards, was a computer operator at a Chicago-area firm whose primary work, under contract, was for the America n C.I.A. Her writing for the Chicago Sun-Times helped wreck the government's prosecution of the "7". In very recent years now, the Sun-Times has reportedly had as secret owners, along with Lord Conrad Black, the Red Chinese Secret Police. Visit the exte nsive stories on the Red Chinese Secret Police, as they operate on U.S. soil, and with Wal-Mart. See: www.skolnicksreport.com

Note that even in very minor, routine Federal criminal cases, the Judges are very strict and DO NOT usually grant travel permission outside the jurisdiction of the U.S. District Court in the district of the pending trial or the home di strict of the defendant. Certainly, not granting permission to travel outside the U.S. jurisdiction such as to a purported enemy nation. The travel permission granted, for example to Rennie Davis, to meet in Paris, with Madame Ngu, has to be considered in view that she was the purported head of the CIA plot to assassinate President Kennedy, mentioned earlier in this series. What did Rennie know about THAT? What did Rennie's father, a top advisor with an office in the Nixon White House, and the Elder D avis being French and tight with the French CIA, know as well about Madame Ngu and the murder of JFK and the role of Nixon in the Dallas public execution of JFK? And did the FBI/CIA protect Rennie Davis for these reasons?

Remember, the French took secret films of the JFK murder, threatening to release the same, but in the meantime, using them, as is usual between Aristocracies, for extortion, such as now against the Bush White House.




Chicago '68...

My Kind of Town



Stew Albert

I collided with Robert Kennedy, in the Fall of 1967, at the Dulles Airport in D.C., the day after we besieged the Pentagon and went eye ball to bayonet with the 82nd Airborne. In a cocky mood I boasted of our brave achievements and plans for Chicago.

Kennedy was not impressed. He had a better way to end the war. His confidence, oozing power and contemptuous good looks were compellingly impressive. I held my ground but felt a bit more self-confident when back at the wild Pentagon the Airborne and the Federal Marshalls were taking us to the limit. But Kennedy did not make it to Chicago. By the hocus pocus of American black magic Kennedy was turned into a corpse. From somewhere in the bowels of our hidden hatreds, Bobby's young life was claimed.

I came to Chicago for a variety of purposes. To protest the war, of course, after all, that conflagration was a malignant product of the Democrat's very special gung-ho and do-gooders brand of anti-Communism. They alone believed they could save a country from Communism, and at the same time promote democracy and social reform by means of napalm, tiger cages and bombing said country back into the stone ages. No wonder they also had great faith in the orderly efficacy of Mayor Daley's police force.

We were heading for Chicago in a retired police car. It was a painted over jalopy that some sucker in Chicago had ordered from a shadowy dealership in New Jersey and we signed on as drivers when we read the free ride classified ad and Jerry Rubin decided it was the cheapest and most sensible way for us Yippies to surrender ourselves to Richard Daley's battering embrace. But Jerry started freaking out before we crossed our first state line because Abbie Hoffman was already in the sweltering city of impending destruction and most certainly hogging the headlines with his winning personality and hilarious chutzpah.

The Yippie's Chicago Festival of Life blood had been sucked dry by an assortment of rock promoters, managers, rival revolutionaries and Counter- Intelligence G-Men who screamed from the roof tops that Chicago was a deadly trap. To make sure this claim would become prophecy, all the frightened rock stars, who once made easy promises, now canceled their planned appearance, taking with them the spirit of innocence and harmless entertainment.

Now, our cotton candy cover was blown. We were stripped down to our politics. We came to Chicago only to prove it was still possible to make that journey. We had nothing to offer but our bodies. Our only compensation was publicity.

I found myself, Jew from Brooklyn that I am, somewhere in the rural Midwestern American heartland, accompanied by Jerry, folk singer Phil Ochs who would pay for the pig that would become our candidate for president, a Rasta Jamaican, and three other oddities, looking to purchase an immense pig from farmer Zeke or Zak. You can have your pick, they're all ugly, said the confused and sensible peasant who surely never thought that in his whole manure tossing life he would be selling a pig to city boys with long hair and beards and beads.

Whatever his confusions, the farmer wasn't going to pass up a sale and the sight of freaky looking Jews and a Jamaican,

stumbling their way through garbage and shit, trying to find the ugliest pig in the barnyard must have been ten times funnier than that darn TV program He-Haw on its best night.

I wonder what the farmer thought when the FBI came around asking him about our purchase. Had he illegally sold livestock to the Russians? And when he saw the pig, the Jews and the Rasta on the 6 o'clock News at the Picasso statue in the Civic Center of downtown Chicago, singing the National Anthem and being arrested and tossed into a Paddy wagon, the pig and the city boys together, what then went on in Zeke's mind? Farmers are fair game for spacemen to kidnap and experiment on, but what had he ever done to deserve being dragged into a war between Jerry Rubin and Abbie Hoffman and the FBI. Next time Yippies came to his farm he wouldn't even sell them tomatoes.

When the shoving began, it seemed like only a couple of thousand volunteers had arrived. Yippies were joined by hundreds of experienced SDS street fighters, who, after hemming and hawing their way through endless flip flops had decided that they could no more pass up a spectacular brawl than Tim Leary could ignore a tab of LSD. And then, perhaps another five thousand Chicago locals were joining our festivities, at various stages, and hoping to prove that Richard Daley hadn't completely replaced the U.S. Constitution with Al Capone's Treatise On Good Government.

My moment of pain came early. I was cracked on my skull. The blow came from behind. I never got to see the pig's eye.

The blood that was mixing with my blond hair and spilling down my face, was sort of cooling. I felt ok. Why did they insist I go to the hospital? Why did Abbie's face turn white? Why was he crying?

My wound persuaded beat poet minstrel and peacenik messiah Allen Ginsberg to show my battered blond head to his visiting literary delegation but William Borroughs, Terry Southern and Jean Genet were only moderately impressed. My scar was acceptable as an opening gambit but six stitch gashes alone would not unjam a writers block.

The police moved under the cover of tear gas and darkness. Our gathering flock took on a primitive edge. Fires burned and drums resounded. Amidst frightening shadows, and painted faces we looked like ancient tribesmen at the gates of hell.

The tear gas was stronger than usual and on one of those nights, there were three or four reenactments of the poisonous scenario during convention week, it kept spewing out from a US Army supplied CN tear gas dispenser mounted on a a city garbage truck. It appeared in the August night, as a hydra headed dragon spitting poison and taking no prisoners. The police chanted kill, kill, kill, as they descended upon the rabble.

Clergymen tried dragging a large wooden cross toward the dragon and were clubbed to the ground. The police broke formation and came charging and pulverizing.

Allen Ginsberg, who once howled the beat's constitution of purpose, and who, years later, inspired the Vietnam Day Committee to practice non-violence in their dispute with the Oakland Hell's Angels Motorcycle Club, sat in a circle of Om chanters. Allen and the Omers gave the impression of withstanding tear gas and night sticks by the power of meditative concentration. Focus on your breathing and the universe of pain will vanish, non-attachment will reverse chaos, but Allen's benevolent circle fell, as the Christian ministers had, before the rampaging mob of official atheism

We retreated to the streets where the cops would be more judicious in their gassing. We went to the streets of myriad glass windows, paper filled trash cans, stray trajectiles, and various and sundry manifestations of bourgeois property.

The reek of gas was omnipresent. Chicago was enshrouded in gasping fog. From Old Town to the Gold Coast to Michigan Ave, the Loop and the Hilton Hotel, the sick cloud would spread.

Judy and I honeymooned in Mayor Daley's tear gas. We held hands while running through a poisonous fog. She lit fires and I threw rocks, and when we grew tired of combat she and I returned to the spy's house and seized his bedroom. And we were always followed by a relentless crew of plain clothed police men who were our 24 hour a day guaranteed audience. And we young lovers wondered if they placed a bug under our bed. But the company didn't matter, our shyness gave way to the lust we brought from the streets. Rioting brought us closer together. Running from an insane constabulary, through cracked faces and choking lungs, we made unstated commitments and found easy intimacy in a raging mob.

---- Judy and I worked our way back to Berkeley in a broken down pick up truck, sharing its irregularities and slowness with the two Bay Area anarchists who had invited us along for the ride. When the wreck broke down in Denver, a working class looking stranger took note of our unfortunate situation. "Seems to me," he said, "you look like fugitives from Chicago. I saw it all on television, it was disgraceful they way they beat you up, I don't know what to think of the war, but what happened to you made me ashamed."

He took us home, and he and his wife were our hosts for two days and they fed us, and housed us and we weren't poisoned or suffocated in our sleep. Our vehicle was repaired and we bid them a thankful adieu.

Pigasus, '68
Pigasus, '68