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Wolves and Sheep

Brilliant analysis of Iraq war and potential aftermath by retired Green Beret and West Point instructor Stan Goff
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Subject: Military Analysis of the Situation in Iraq
Date: Mon, 21 Apr 2003 20:57:04 -0700
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[More astute observations/analyses from my friend Stan]

WOLVES AND SHEEP
(apologies to Canis lupus)

A short history of the Bush Mafia's war in Iraq

By Stan Goff

C Copyright 2003, From The Wilderness Publications, www.copvcia.com. All
Rights Reserved. May be reprinted, distributed or posted on an Internet
web site for non-profit purposes only.

Orwell & Capone

The World Bank, under the direction of James Wolfensohn, is posing a
problem for neocon Wolfowitz. The World Bank, though dominated by the US
which has 16.2% of voting shares, has an institutional loyalty to
multilateralism. As the US unilateralism advocated by US neocons gives
the back of its hand to the very foundation of the UN, which is the
institutional manifestation of multilateralism, there is predictable
conflict between the two Wolfs. The World Bank Wolf is a neo-liberal,
while the Defense Department Wolf is a neocon.

-Henry C. K. Liu

April 21, 2003, 1200 PDT (FTW) -- Mr. Liu, who runs an investment
company, and who has written extensively on "dollar hegemony," has hit
another nail on the head. I would add entertainment media cheerleader
Wolf Blitzer, CNN's Pentagon sycophant in Kuwait City, as representative
of the neon press; neon - a colorless, inert, gaseous element that
lights up on command.

The self-congratulation of the Junta right now is only matched by the
despair of those who, in the first days of unexpected Iraqi resistance,
thirsted for an American tactical defeat in Iraq.

That's because people don't have a head for numbers. The same arithmetic
that told us before the Bushist aggression began in earnest, that the
Iraqis could not defeat the Americans, should also tell faint-hearted
anti-imperialists that US military might is not infinite. But those who
treasure both fantasy and despair remain impressionists, allergic to
weights and measures.

Someone very dear to me recently died - Mark Jones - who insisted on
grasping things firmly, especially those most consequential things that
we might sidestep because of an emotional paradox - like the fact that
we are now certainly entering a very dark period of human history within
which there are, with equal certainty, historic opportunities for human
emancipation. They are times that will require our deepest compassion
and our most dispassionate - and sometimes ruthless - cunning.

In that spirit, let's review the adventure in Iraq.

Rumsfeld's war plan was initiated on the 20th of March, with
expectations that the high-tech advance northward from Kuwait would
resolve all major tactical difficulties within two days. Simultaneously,
another Rumsfeld scheme, "decapitation" strikes, was launched to target
Saddam Hussein. The whole venture was designed to come off like Bill
Gates meets Caesar.

Instead, it came off like Orwell meets Al Capone.

The Orwellian aspect, of course, was an American press that can no
longer lay even the scarcest claim to being journalists, and its
complete merger with the Department of Defense, specifically Central
Command (CENTCOM).

The False Start

Beginning almost immediately after the first tanks crossed their lines
of departure into Southern Iraq, we were witness to the surreal
recurring spectacle of the CENTCOM-Lie-of-the-Day - a parade of spin
doctors from the military, which included the actual commander, Tommy
Franks, who would make erroneous and often ridiculous claims about the
progress of their aggression - even as the entire Rumsfeld lunacy
unraveled before the eyes of the world in the face of sparse, but
extremely courageous and totally unexpected, Iraqi resistance.

Umm Qasr had fallen. Well, not yet. Basra was taken. Well, not yet. A
brigade of Iraqis surrendered. Oops. Fudged casualty statistics. Phantom
Republican Guard columns advancing south. Saddam is dead rumors
circulated daily. Chemical weapons sites were discovered, then
un-discovered. The victims of American bombs were really caused by
falling antiaircraft debris from the Iraqis.

The wild stories, outright lies, and subsequent rationalizations were
reiterated uncritically by CNN, MSNBC, and Fox, among all the others, to
an ovine American public (the most notable exception being Black
Americans, who have remained largely skeptical of the whole enterprise).
In-bedded ("embedded") reporters, who had been completely immersed in US
military units - self-censoring, based on deep identification with and
absolute dependence upon those units - sent back pre-screened images
almost minute by minute, and the world saw its first truly stage-managed
war.

Then cracks developed in the stories. The internet allowed legitimate
journalism to end-run CENTCOM News Network. And the generals, chafing
under the arrogant presumptuousness of Donald Rumsfeld and smarting from
setbacks in the field, began to "leak."

Sixty miles out of Baghdad, the whole advance screeched to a halt.
CENTCOM explained the "operational pause" as an exercise in flexibility,
"all part of the plan."

By the 27th of March, Bush and his piss-boy Tony Blair had an emergency
meeting.

The bombing of Baghdad, circumspect until then, was intensified - almost
a gratuitous act of frustrated rage. Independent journalists reported
the same targets being hit from the air as many as six nights in a row.

The generals went back to the drawing board. The 4th Infantry, whose
equipment was stranded on the ocean when the Turkish government denied
the Americans their Northern Front, prepared to deploy as reinforcement.
Supply lines were shored up by diverting combat power to convoy
security, in order to resupply the points of the advance Army along the
Euphrates valley and the Marines along the Tigris. Some troops were low
on water and down to one MRE a day. Sandstorms had eaten into the
engines of the Abrams, Bradleys, and helicopters, and fuel was low.

On March 27th, the 173rd Airborne Brigade parachuted onto Northern
Iraq's Harrir Airfield with Kurdish security waiting on the ground.
CENTCOM referred to this operation as "opening a Northern Front."

On the 29th of March, a suicide bomber in Najaf killed four GIs and the
Rules of Engagement (ROE). Now the war would begin to take on a
Vietnam-like character for American soldiers and Marines, who were
pushed one step closer to seeing the entire Iraqi people as the enemy.
It was after this the non-in-bed press from outside the US would begin
to send out photos of dead Iraqi soldiers, heads blown off next to the
white flags that the US soldiers didn't think to remove from the scene.
And civilians would be more routinely shot dead en masse at US
checkpoints.

Generals grew nervous as the "operational pause" began to stretch out
and US positions became almost semi-permanent installations, bait for
hit-and-run guerrilla attacks. CENTCOM said on March 31st that the US
might wait weeks to begin its assault on Baghdad, probably a ruse to
lure defenders at Baghdad into the open to strengthen positions so they
might be attacked more effectively by air. The same day, Robin Cook, the
former chief cheerleader for the imperial assault on Yugoslavia,
launched a scathing criticism of Tony Blair.

Euphoria began to infect the Arab world. People began to identify with
the tenacity of these Iraqi defenders of their homeland against the
juggernaut of US militarism. Many anti-imperialists outside the Arab
world caught the same bug. No head for numbers.


Uranium Rain

Bombs began to rain on Baghdad again. Colin Powell was trying to placate
the Turks. Rumsfeld - stung with deep humiliation - began to make
threatening noises at the Iranians and Syrians, as the firestorm of
recriminations in Washington raged, and the damaged umbilical supply
line from Kuwait was repaired.

By April 1st, US ground forces on point had refueled and refit, and they
were ready to resume the offensive. The cautious advance North began on
the 2nd, with the 3rd (Mechanized) Infantry Division backed by
paratroops from the 82nd and Apache helicopters from the 101st advancing
on the Karbala Gap and the 1st Marine Expeditionary Force moving on Al
Kut in the Tigris Valley. Special Forces in the north were organizing
with the Kurds, as supplies now flowed in by air, for an attack on Mosul
and Kirkuk (where some of the richest oilfields in the world lie).

The Iraqis fought a delaying action in the Karbala Gap, but multiple
engagements had given US commanders the experience necessary to develop
counter-measures to the Iraqis' new Russian-trained asymmetric tactics,
and the Iraqis now began to suffer from a loss of command and control as
well as a genuine lack of fresh tactical adaptation. US commanders had
adapted, however, and regained their technological advantage, their
logistical tail, and above all their air superiority.

Iraqi combat losses were horrific, and in short order, the
Nebuchadnezzar and Medina Divisions of the Republican Guard melted back
into Baghdad, leaving small ambushes along the route to delay the
Americans.

Firing precious anti-aircraft weapons became a death warrant, and the
Iraqi triple-A was retired northward, probably beyond Baghdad. And US
commanders had forged a seamless integration of A-10 Warthogs with
ground units to open up defenses in advance of ground attacks.

The A-10 is a 30 mm Gatling gun with an airframe built around it -
firing 3,000 rounds a minute of depleted uranium alloy bullets. It is
comparatively slow, so it can only be put to good use when there is
total air superiority. But it is one of the most agile fixed wing
aircraft in history. In one second, the A-10 can reduce a tank to a
scorched shell or shatter a fighting position. Working in pairs, the
A-10s can rubble a multi-story building in five minutes, or - as General
Barry McCaffrey demonstrated in 1991 - they can transform a retreating
column of thousands of men and hundreds of tanks into a meandering file
of smoldering wreckage and dismembered corpses.

Corpses have now become a familiar phenomenon for a new generation of US
soldiers. Many will return now with their heads filled with corpses and
their bodies filled with depleted uranium. They will have their moment
of intoxicating adulation in public and the corpses will sneak up on
them in private. Then the DU will sneak up on them.

Some people learn to live with corpses. Some learn to relish the freedom
of killing and develop a taste for it. Perfect masculinity is
sociopathic. A young Marine who had just killed a woman at a checkpoint
said, matter of factly, "The chick was in the way." Gangster. Badass.

Others, as the transitory adulation fades, will sense the barrenness of
their wounded psyches backlit by the barrenness of a decaying consumer
culture, and their alienation will flower into addiction, psychosis, and
suicide. And then will we see THEM as pathological.

We didn't see that pathology on April 3rd, not in the troops, not in
ourselves, not on CNN. Like the air, we breathe alienation until we take
it for granted. On April 3rd, we watched the seizure of Saddam Hussein
Airport on the outskirts of Baghdad, and CENTCOM led the cheer.

Rumsfeld's pet drones began buzzing like Tigris River mosquitoes over
Baghdad, trying to vindicate themselves at $37 million apiece for Global
Hawks, $40 million for Predators (not factoring in years of R&D money).
They shot pictures of Iraqis pointing skyward at them, as combatants
took the complex counter-measure of stepping under a doorway to evade
their digital gaze. Then the real planes came.

A-10's again, like lethal storms tearing into Baghdad's suburbs,
trashing the homes and histories of the ancient city in advance of the
next ground assault.

This was the new strategy: incremental murder. And it began to gain
traction.

Saddam Hussein Airport was renamed by its occupiers. Ali Hassan al-Majid
- "Chemical Ali" in the press frenzy to find new caricatures for their
hallucinations - was bombed, and this story was fanned for days - the
latest smokescreen to preoccupy herd-America so it wouldn't be awakened
to the uncaricatured corpses.

War of Symbols

The 3rd Infantry made its little foray - a reconnaissance in force -
into Baghdad on April 5th, met with sporadic but furious resistance from
those who lurked in doorways as the drones flew helplessly over the day
before. The hospitals in Baghdad were now overwhelmed, corpses lying
sloppily under blankets in the corners of rooms, the most critical left
to die while doctors and nurses worked around the clock to salvage the
salvageable with meager resources. Reports filtered out past the
compliant media that the floors were swimming in human blood.

The Iraqi fighters - now a symbol to a hopeful and humiliated Arab world
- found reality singularly unsymbolic. Their new Russian-trained tactics
were being met with the cancellation of Rumsfeld's cyber-war and the US
adaptation of sending blood down the streets with the A-10's. Their
decentralization - at first an advantage, even when applied in an often
amateurish and tragically costly way - now became simple disarray in the
face of the lethal rain of uranium.

The US was demonstrating its resolve to conquer Baghdad by converting it
to rubble if necessary, and civilians were paying an appalling price.
Even some "leftists," safely ensconced in Europe and the US, began
publicly dressing down the Iraqi combatants for not paying the ultimate
price to turn Baghdad into an Armageddon.

The lights went out in Baghdad, and the US forces tore a path to the
banks of the Tigris. On April 7th, the US tested its bunker buster
munitions on a house where they claim they thought Saddam was hiding.
The US press made scant mention of the civilian deaths, including
children, as CNN, et al, went into yet another three-day speculation
frenzy about the visceral status of one man.

Killing civilians was routine by now. This harrowing description from
Laurent Van der Stockt, a Gamma Agency photographer with the New York
Times Magazine:

On the morning of April 7, the Marines decided to cross the bridge. A
shell fell onto an armored personnel carrier. Two marines were killed.
The crossing took on a tragic aspect. The soldiers were stressed,
febrile. They were shouting. The risk didn't appear to be that great, so
I followed their advance. They were howling, shouting orders and
positions to each other. It sounded like something in-between a
phantasm, mythology and conditioning. The operation was transformed into
crossing the bridge over the River Kwai.

Later, there was some open terrain. The Marines were advancing and
taking up position, hiding behind mounds of earth. They were still
really tense. A small blue van was moving towards the convoy. Three
not-very-accurate warning shots were fired. The shots were supposed to
make the van stop. The van kept on driving, made a U-turn, took shelter
and then returned slowly. The Marines opened fire. All hell broke loose.
They were firing all over the place. You could hear 'Stop firing' being
shouted. The silence that set in was overwhelming. Two men and a woman
had just been riddled with bullets. So this was the enemy, the threat.

A second vehicle drove up. The same scenario was repeated. Its
passengers were killed on the spot. A grandfather was walking slowly
with a cane on the sidewalk. They killed him too. As with the old man,
the Marines fired on an SUV driving along the river bank that was
getting too close to them. Riddled with bullets, the vehicle rolled
over. Two women and a child got out, miraculously still alive. They
sought refuge in the wreckage. A few seconds later, it flew into bits as
a tank lobbed a terse shot into it.

Marines are conditioned to reach their target at any cost, by staying
alive and facing any type of enemy. They abusively make use of
disproportionate firepower. These hardened troops, followed by tons of
equipment, supported by extraordinary artillery power, protected by
fighter jets and cutting-edge helicopters, were shooting on local
inhabitants who understood absolutely nothing of what was going on.

With my own eyes I saw about fifteen civilians killed in two days. I've
gone through enough wars to know that it's always dirty, that civilians
are always the first victims. But the way it was happening here, it was
insane.

Resistance had shrunken into pockets, some still doggedly determined,
and much simply disappearing behind this valiant screen. Tens of
thousands of Iraqi combatants are missing to this day, and speculation
that they might eventually use Syria as a jumping-off point to stage
operations back into their nation has led the US administration to
rattle its saber, even as its capacity to wage war effectively anywhere
else in the world right now is next to zero.

If ever there were a time to thumb one's nose at the US, it is now. They
are a big dog at the end of a thick chain.

The imperial crowing about this lopsided attack is tempered behind the
scenes by the knowledge that - contrary to all the bullshit about
destruction of Iraqi units - the boldest sacrifices by Iraqi fighters
were made not in conventional confrontations but in delaying tactics.
Those tactics worked. The Iraqis took good advantage of the US aversion
to high "friendly" casualties and their obsession with "force
protection."

The fact is, the lion's share of Iraqi forces managed an orderly
retreat... somewhere...and the US suspects Syria. Perhaps. Perhaps they
are still in Iraq. Perhaps they quit. Perhaps not.

There are still thousands of tanks and armored personnel carriers
unaccounted for in Iraq, and they didn't drive themselves away. Hundreds
of thousands of small arms. Up to 3,000 wire-guided anti-armor missiles.
Over 1,500 artillery pieces, a half dozen SCUD launchers, 1,000+ MOWAG
light anti-aircraft weapons as well as a decent supply of unfired
Surface to Air Missiles, a dozen Hind attack helicopters, several dozen
smaller choppers, and up to two dozen PC-7 and PC-9 fixed-wing aircraft.

These numbers haunt US military commanders, as they should.

On April 8th, the US tested the new limits of its impunity by
deliberately attacking a convoy with the Russian Ambassador, then
claimed it was a "crossfire." Only days before, Rumsfeld in one of his
more frequent fits of pique, had made threatening noises at the
Russians.

Al-Jazeera had been publicly chastised days earlier in a CENTCOM
briefing for daring to show American dead (and thereby eroding domestic
support for the adventure). They should have paid attention. When
Al-Jazeera engaged in journalism in Afghanistan, the Americans had
unapologetically bombed their offices.

On April 8th, the American forces destroyed the Al Jazeera offices in
Baghdad and simultaneously attacked independent journalists in the
Palestine Hotel. The symbolism of the name was not lost on the Arab
world, as the US tested the feasibility of eliminating witnesses.

Counter-symbolism was deployed the following day. As the US continued
the slaughter, thrusting from three directions into Baghdad and
initiating its attack to take Kirkuk, the American military gathered
together a sparse crowd around a Saddam Hussein statue, then pulled it
down while the fake crowd cheered. The in-bed press, in a shameless and
slavish display, kept their lenses tight to make the paltry mob appear
larger. That image plays still today - long after it has been repeatedly
exposed as a tawdry scam. They even refused to show the American flag
that one over-enthusiastic young Marine had used to cover the statue's
face. A little too much symbolism there.

Rumsfeld cracked on television once, uttering over and over "It's a
liberation, it's a liberation, it's a liberation."

Then the looting began, and the US stood by. I saw it in Haiti. Let the
chaos rein for a bit and they will beg for order, even if it comes from
unwelcome quarters. Certain facilities were protected, like the Oil
Ministry building. Then there was the most symbolic event of the war, in
my opinion.

Iraq is the geographic and cultural cradle of Western civilization. The
US military was sent to attack this cradle of civilization, and the US
military initiated the looting of the Museum of Archeology, where 7,000
years worth of priceless artifacts were kept to posterity. Eyewitnesses
report that before the looting began, Americans had been keeping the
streets clear with gunfire. Then they pulled up in front of the Museum
and started firing into it. I saw a tank round's hole in the front on a
CNN report, far too high for a looter to have made it. They murdered the
two Sudanese guards in front of the administrative building, then
directed the looters, through the US military's Arabic translators, to
enter the building and gut it. By April 15th, the National Archives as
well, where millions of pages of historical documents, some centuries
old, were stored, was looted, and the precious records burned by a
street mob while US military looked complacently on.

The Non-Denouement & Moral Imperialism

The rest of the story could sound like a denouement. Kirkuk fell. Mosul
fell. But it's just begun. Now politics begins, and we'll see just what
kind of tar baby we have here.

The military "victory" is secure. The Washington gangsters have won
their new turf, let's see if they can keep it. There will certainly be
no attack on Syria. Again, those who fear this have not done the
arithmetic, political or military. The United States has extended its
military reach almost to its conventional limit, number one, and the
objective was Europe and China, with Iraq's petroleum the strategic
objective.

Anti-imperialists, all people of moral courage, need to quit letting
these gangsters and their sycophant press spook them, and quit confusing
ruling class blather with ruling class motivations.

The apocalyptic Bushite nonsense about Evil is a sop to the Christian
right in the United States who believe this period is the fulfillment of
biblical prophecy. They are a key part of the Bush junta's popular base
in the United States, and - as Christian Zionists - part of the powerful
popular Israel lobby. But the Neocons' blueprint, laid out some years
ago, for leaping over this period of an impending severe crisis of US
hegemony, is hard-eyed secularism. Their true weakness is bourgeois
myopia and incredible hubris. They are constitutionally incapable of
understanding history as a process that involves the masses.

Neoliberalism - the form of US imperialism - was falling into disarray
before September 11th. It was a transformation of US imperialism that
dated back to the Nixon administration, itself a strategy to overcome
profound structural weaknesses in the system - not the least of which
was the organic composition of capital - wherein the industrialized
North collaborated in the harvest of the dependent global South. The
character of that transformation has been written on at length - but
dollar hegemony was its linchpin, and the basis of dollar hegemony, at
the end of the day, was military might.

The most fundamental characteristic of Neoliberalism was that this
"benign" leadership of the US was accepted by lesser imperial powers
because the US served as an essential umpire for a multilateral system
of exploitation and accumulation.

The difference between the Neoliberals (think of the Democrats) in the
US and the Neocons (think Republican within Republican) is not on the
question of exploitation and accumulation. They are equally devoted to
preserving the status and privileges of the US ruling class, of which
both are a part.

The difference revolves around two opposing delusions; the Neoliberal
delusion that there is a way to return to the multilateral gluttony of
the recent past - with the US reassuming its role of benevolent father -
and the Neocon delusion that the US can have its economic cake and eat
it too by playing the part of a global protection racket on energy
markets.

The Neoliberals cannot solve the problem of rebellion in the periphery
and the falling rate of profit. The Neocons cannot solve the problem of
military costs - economic and political.

Meanwhile, back in the USA, the initiation of wholesale hostilities on
March 20th erased the broadest basis of unity for the anti-war movement.

The strength of the broad anti-war movement prior to H-hour was the
convergence of different political tendencies, including many sections
of the managerial and ruling classes, around a single demand: No War!

Any attempt now to preserve those alliances intact flies directly in the
face of reality. They cannot hold because their basis had disappeared,
and our differences will now come out into the open. Many people were
moved from questions about the motivations for war, to a clear
anti-imperialist perspective. Now is certainly a good time to stress
education and consolidation of those sections of the population who are
still in a teachable moment - especially ordinary workers and people of
color.

Anti-imperialists (and I am one) are standing exposed again, no longer
folded unobtrusively into the larger mass. Liberals (including
neoliberals) are already retreating to their old paths. If we are not
careful, we will be tempted down those same paths, which look well kept
but ultimately lead nowhere. Emblematic of that retreat are certain
rhetorical and political strategies that were tolerated in the diversity
of the pre-H-hour movement, but which must now be challenged from the
left.

Not least among them is the denunciation of Ba'ath Party leadership,
especially of Saddam Hussein. This is a world-class red herring.
Ba'athism was a movement that cannot be judged through the rosy lenses
of Western morality. It's akin to measuring Black prejudice with the
same yardstick used to measure white prejudice. The reality of power
relations makes these points of view irreconcilably and qualitatively
different.

Moral imperialism is a very slippery slope.

Ritual denunciation of Saddam Hussein before, during, and after the
latest invasion did not prevent the antiwar movement from being
mercilessly red-baited and patriot-baited.

What it did do was set the stage for a huge fraction of the pre-H-hour
anti-war movement to have its legs knocked out from under it when tanks
rolled north. The failure to grasp the nature of US imperialism and how
it was responsible long before the war - as a global system - for every
single aspect of the situation in Southwest Asia, left so-called
progressives grappling in the dark after ahistorical moral comparisons,
generally based on a thirteen-year campaign of demonization, and more
recently, calling for the UN to take up the task of occupation.

Michael Keaney, an economist living in Finland put it well when he noted
that:

...various people in the metropolitan left are, in the midst of all that
is going on at present, spending valuable time and resources telling
others on the left 'I told you so' or lecturing them on the finer points
of 'democracy' when the real task at hand is to work against
imperialism. Under current circumstances, the effective result of
getting even slightly bogged down by this 'sugar-coating' is to
legitimate imperialism. We surrender valuable ground when we give any
credence whatsoever to the propaganda claims of cruise missile liberals
and neo-cons alike concerning other regimes whose development has been
twisted, tortured, stunted, manipulated, thwarted, squashed, halted...
by the constant interference of the metropolis which has, to use Edward
Said's very appropriate phrase, 'driven them crazy after decades.' And
right now I don't really need to hear about the venality of 'Saddam'.
[A] proper class analysis of pre-invasion Iraq would be in order so that
we might understand better how things will develop in the future. But
quite honestly, for the time being and until it is proved otherwise,
Saddam Hussein and his cohort are a part of the anti-imperialist
movement.

This recognition will become more important if there is a real struggle
against the American occupiers. That struggle cannot be held to account
by the standards of Western progressives, even of Western leftists. It
will require a form of unity and struggle appropriate for those who
engage in the resistance, and it will not be pretty enough for BMW
Bolsheviks sipping lattes while they plan the revolution for places
they've never lived.

We can't possibly know - at least most of us can't - what a nascent
Iraqi resistance might look like, or even if it exists at this point.

We might be seeing it now, in the ubiquitous mini-rebellions against
American occupation, street mobilizations that are forcing the US
military to withdraw or overreact. Rejections of US-installed colonial
surrogate leadership. That would certainly queer the US pitch and, to
sustain disruption, it will require blinding the US to plans and
intents. That will mean merciless ferreting out of collaborators with
the US. It might mean suicide bombing. Some might disappear, leaving the
country to sharpen their skills; precision marksmanship and
non-technical communications, mechanical ambushes, small-unit planning.
Organizing units and staffs, some blending back into the population to
monitor the mood of the street. Let the situation ripen. The fault lines
are already appearing in Iraqi society, and resistance to the Americans
has begun even before the guns have fallen silent. Wait and plan for one
or two totally unexpected and devastating blows delivered when their
guard is down, one year, one and a half, maybe more, from now,
organizing the insurgency in the meantime, setting up safe houses and
rat lines, developing intelligence networks, establishing tactical
caches and supply lines. It's all speculation.

We just don't know. But neither does the Bush Crime Family.

What we must understand is that progressives cannot stand against
whatever is necessary to expel the invader. As Henry Liu says, we cannot
let the White Man's Burden become our burden by falling into the trap of
moral imperialism. We cannot put an abstract morality above the people.

We cannot join that herd.

This is far from over.