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Project for the New Amweican Century

The Project for the New American Century is a non-profit educational organization dedicated to a few fundamental
propositions: that American leadership is good both for America and for the world; that such leadership requires
military strength, . . . .

The problem may be obvious, good leadership doesn't require military force. With good leadership people will naturally want to follow.
 http://newamericancentury.org/

Statement of Principles
June 3, 1997

American foreign and defense policy is adrift. Conservatives have criticized the incoherent policies
of the Clinton Administration. They have also resisted isolationist impulses from within their own
ranks. But conservatives have not confidently advanced a strategic vision of America's role in the
world. They have not set forth guiding principles for American foreign policy. They have allowed
differences over tactics to obscure potential agreement on strategic objectives. And they have not
fought for a defense budget that would maintain American security and advance American
interests in the new century.

We aim to change this. We aim to make the case and rally support for American global
leadership.

As the 20th century draws to a close, the United States stands as the world's preeminent power.
Having led the West to victory in the Cold War, America faces an opportunity and a challenge:
Does the United States have the vision to build upon the achievements of past decades? Does
the United States have the resolve to shape a new century favorable to American principles and
interests?

We are in danger of squandering the opportunity and failing the challenge. We are living off the
capital -- both the military investments and the foreign policy achievements -- built up by past
administrations. Cuts in foreign affairs and defense spending, inattention to the tools of statecraft,
and inconstant leadership are making it increasingly difficult to sustain American influence around
the world. And the promise of short-term commercial benefits threatens to override strategic
considerations. As a consequence, we are jeopardizing the nation's ability to meet present
threats and to deal with potentially greater challenges that lie ahead.

We seem to have forgotten the essential elements of the Reagan Administration's success: a
military that is strong and ready to meet both present and future challenges; a foreign policy that
boldly and purposefully promotes American principles abroad; and national leadership that
accepts the United States' global responsibilities.

Of course, the United States must be prudent in how it exercises its power. But we cannot safely
avoid the responsibilities of global leadership or the costs that are associated with its exercise.
America has a vital role in maintaining peace and security in Europe, Asia, and the Middle East. If
we shirk our responsibilities, we invite challenges to our fundamental interests. The history of the
20th century should have taught us that it is important to shape circumstances before crises
emerge, and to meet threats before they become dire. The history of this century should have
taught us to embrace the cause of American leadership.

Our aim is to remind Americans of these lessons and to draw their consequences for today. Here
are four consequences:

we need to increase defense spending significantly if we are to carry out our global

responsibilities today and modernize our armed forces for the future;

we need to strengthen our ties to democratic allies and to challenge regimes
hostile to our interests and values;

we need to promote the cause of political and economic freedom abroad;

we need to accept responsibility for America's unique role in preserving and
extending an international order friendly to our security, our prosperity, and our
principles.

Such a Reaganite policy of military strength and moral clarity may not be fashionable today. But
it is necessary if the United States is to build on the successes of this past century and to
ensure our security and our greatness in the next.

Elliott Abrams Gary Bauer William J. Bennett Jeb Bush

Dick Cheney Eliot A. Cohen Midge Decter Paula Dobriansky Steve Forbes

Aaron Friedberg Francis Fukuyama Frank Gaffney Fred C. Ikle

Donald Kagan Zalmay Khalilzad I. Lewis Libby Norman Podhoretz

Dan Quayle Peter W. Rodman Stephen P. Rosen Henry S. Rowen

Donald Rumsfeld Vin Weber George Weigel Paul Wolfowitz
Dr. Evil Speaks 23.Mar.2003 09:18

jal

Statement on Post-War Iraq

Although some of us have disagreed with the administration's handling of Iraq policy and others of
us have agreed with it, we all join in supporting the military intervention in Iraq. The aim of UNSC
Resolution 1441 was to give the Iraqi government a "final opportunity" to comply with all UN
resolutions going back 12 years. The Iraqi government has demonstrably not complied. It is now
time to act to remove Saddam Hussein and his regime from power.

The removal of the present Iraqi regime from power will lay the foundation for achieving three vital
goals: disarming Iraq of all its weapons of mass destruction stocks and production capabilities;
establishing a peaceful, stable, democratic government in Iraq; and contributing to the democratic
development of the wider Middle East.

To enhance the prospects of success, American efforts in the weeks, months, and years ahead
must be guided by the following principles:

Regime change is not an end in itself but a means to an end - the establishment of a
peaceful, stable, united, prosperous, and democratic Iraq free of all weapons of mass
destruction. We must help build an Iraq that is governed by a pluralistic system
representative of all Iraqis and that is fully committed to upholding the rule of law, the rights
of all its citizens, and the betterment of all its people. The Iraqi people committed to a
democratic future must be integrally involved in this process in order for it to succeed.
Such an Iraq will be a force for regional stability rather than conflict and participate in the
democratic development of the region.

The process of disarming, stabilizing, rebuilding, reforming, preserving the unity of, and
ultimately democratizing Iraq will require a significant investment of American leadership,
time, energy, and resources, as well as important assistance from American allies and the
international community. Everyone - those who have joined our coalition, those who have
stood aside, those who opposed military action, and, most of all, the Iraqi people and their
neighbors - must understand that we are committed to the rebuilding of Iraq and will provide
the necessary resources and will remain for as long as it takes. Any early fixation on exit
strategies and departure deadlines will undercut American credibility and greatly diminish
the prospects for success.

The United States military will necessarily bear much of the initial burden of maintaining
stability in Iraq, securing its territorial integrity, finding and destroying weapons of mass
destruction, and supporting efforts to deliver humanitarian assistance to those most in
need. For the next year or more, U.S and coalition troops will have to comprise the bulk of
the total international military presence in Iraq. But as the security situation permits,
authority should transfer to civilian agencies, and to representatives of the Iraqi people
themselves. Much of the long-term security presence, as well as the resources for
reconstruction, will have to come from our allies in Europe and elsewhere - suggesting the
importance of involving the NATO Alliance and other international institutions early in any
planning and implementation of the post-conflict stage.

American leadership - and the long-term commitment of American resources and energies
- is essential, therefore, but the extraordinary demands of the effort make international
support, cooperation, and participation a requirement for success. And just as a stable,
peaceful and democratic Iraq is in the region's and the world's interest, it is important that
the American-led stabilization and rebuilding effort gain the support and full involvement of
key international organizations in the work of rebuilding Iraq.

The successful disarming, rebuilding, and democratic reform of Iraq can contribute decisively to
the democratization of the wider Middle East. This is an objective of overriding strategic
importance to the United States, as it is to the rest of the international community - and its
achievement will require an investment and commitment commensurate with that. We offer our full
support to the President and Congress to accomplish these vitally important goals.

full-spectrum domination 23.Mar.2003 09:51

a mere human dr.strangelove@indickcheney'sbunker

in tandem with policies coming out of PNAC, is the military pornography: Joint Vision 2020

JV2020 proposes the methods and madness necessary for joint US miiltary domination of space, sea, land, air, and information.

here's the link to the website:

 http://www.dtic.mil/jointvision/

highlights from this document is:

"possible sources of friction" to full-spectrum domination:
- effects of danger and exertion
- existence of uncertainty and chance
- unpredictable actions of other actors
- frailities of machines and information
- HUMANS!!!

I am not making this up....